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The Last Gun: How Changes in the Gun Industry Are Killing Americans and What It Will Take to Stop It Hardcover – April 2, 2013

4.3 out of 5 stars 35 ratings

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Newtown, Connecticut. Aurora, Colorado. Both have entered our collective memory as sites of unimaginable heartbreak and mass slaughter perpetrated by lone gunmen. Meanwhile, cities such as Chicago and Washington, D.C., are dealing with the painful, everyday reality of record rates of gun-related deaths. By any account, gun violence in the United States has reached epidemic proportions.

A widely respected activist and policy analyst―as well as a former gun enthusiast and an ex-member of the National Rifle Association―Tom Diaz presents a chilling, up-to-date survey of the changed landscape of gun manufacturing and marketing.
The Last Gun explores how the gun industry and the nature of gun violence have changed, including the disturbing rise in military-grade gun models. But Diaz also argues that the once formidable gun lobby has become a "paper tiger," marshaling a range of evidence and case studies to make the case that now is the time for a renewed political effort to attack gun violence at its source―the guns themselves.

In the aftermath of Newtown, a challenging national conversation lies ahead.
The Last Gun is an indispensable guide to this debate, and essential reading for anyone who wants to understand how we can finally rid America's streets, schools, and homes of gun violence and prevent future Newtowns.
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Editorial Reviews

Review

"In his eminently readable style, mixing science and anecdote, Diaz shows how our leaders have created gun policies that are good for the gun industry but horrific for our nation. He also describes solutions worthy of the name. What a timely book!"
―David Hemenway, Professor of Health Policy, Harvard School of Public Health

"Diaz once again reveals what the firearms-industrial complex doesn't want the public to know, while refusing to spare politicians and the media for their complicity in the cover-up…This book should be required reading for policy makers at every level and for every American fed up with the massacre of 30,000 people a year."
―Andrew Fois, Deputy Attorney General, Public Safety Division, Washington, D.C.

"Through a gripping narrative that combines plenty of factual data with compelling storytelling, Diaz makes the convincing case that the gun industry is knowingly trading American lives for profits…After the tragedy of Newtown, if you are going to read one book to understand the current political fight in Washington, this is it."
―Joshua Horwitz, Executive Director, Coalition to Stop Gun Violence

About the Author

Tom Diaz is a writer, lawyer, and public speaker on the gun industry and gun control issues. Formerly a senior policy analyst at the Violence Policy Center, he has been featured on MSNBC, on NPR, and in other national media. His books include "Making a Killing: The Business of Guns in America" (The New Press), and he is currently working on a book about his family and American immigration policy. He lives in Washington, D.C.

Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ The New Press
  • Publication date ‏ : ‎ April 2, 2013
  • Edition ‏ : ‎ First Edition
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Print length ‏ : ‎ 336 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 1595588302
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-1595588302
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.08 pounds
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 5.45 x 1.11 x 8.88 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.3 out of 5 stars 35 ratings

About the author

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Tom Diaz
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I was born into a military family (on an actual horse cavalry post, Ft. Oglethorpe, Georgia). I was raised largely in the American South and West. I learned to shoot in the Boy Scouts in Mississippi, and was on a rifle team in high school in Florida. I served on active duty and in the U.S. Air Force Reserve (1958-1964), and also the D.C. Air National Guard as a small arms specialist. I enlisted in the Maryland Army National Guard in the late 1970s and served as an anti-tank platoon sergeant. I worked as a civilian administrative officer for the Department of Defense (Advanced Research Projects Agency) in Thailand during the Vietnam War. It was during this post that, as Top Secret Control Officer, I had custody of the first assault rifle I had ever seen, an ArmaLite AR-15, soon to become the M16.

I also served three years as a District of Columbia Police Department reserve officer.

I attended the U.S. Naval Academy Preparatory School and the U.S. Air Force Academy, and graduated from the University of Florida (BA Pol. Sci. 1962) and the Georgetown University Law Center (1972, editor, Law Journal). I've followed a wandering career course, practiced law in and out of government, became a journalist and ended up serving six years as an assistant managing editor at the very conservative The Washington Times newspaper in Washington. I also reported from Central America, Russia, India, Pakistan and the first Gulf War before leaving The Times. I then spent two years at a small think tank in Washington studying terrorism and international organized crime, and from there went to work in 1993 (following the first WTC bombing attack) as a Democratic counsel to the U.S. House of Representatives Crime Subcommittee, where I worked on legislation and hearings involving terrorism and firearms.

I am now retired and concentrating on writing books. I love doing deep research on the study of crime, terrorism, and history.

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Customers find the book well researched and exceptionally well written. They appreciate the information quality, with one customer describing it as an amazing catalog of facts.

13 customers mention "Information quality"13 positive0 negative

Customers find the book well researched and informative, with one customer describing it as an amazing catalog of facts.

"...And the rest of the book continues with an amazing catalog of facts that shatter every myth put forth by the gun industry. A must read!" Read more

"...This, however, is a hell of a book...." Read more

"...His very thorough, well researched book is excellent...." Read more

"Good information however the beginning talks about Supreme Court opinions, etc...." Read more

8 customers mention "Writing style"8 positive0 negative

Customers praise the writing style of the book, finding it exceptionally well written and easy to read, with one customer noting its comprehensive account of the problem.

"...This, however, is a hell of a book. It is the kind of painfully detailed exposition of what I and others call "American's Gun Problem" that people..." Read more

"Detailed and straightforward- but a prohibitionist screed as the author predictably calls for ALL the old, unwanted and failed gun bans and..." Read more

"...His style makes the book easy reading as well as informative...." Read more

"...Tom Diaz did a fine job in writing this book. He has an interesting style in the way he divided his story into specific chapters of thought...." Read more

Top reviews from the United States

  • Reviewed in the United States on October 10, 2013
    Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase
    In the Aurora theater in Colorado last year, the lst Amendment right of free speech would not have sanctioned someone yelling FIRE in the midst of the hundreds of moviegoers.

    Yet the 2nd Amendment right to bear arms is thought by many to protect the use of an assault weapon against them.

    So when a pro-gun lobbyist like Alan Gottlieb says after a mass shooting: The gunman can't be "treated like a child, he's got his own life to live and he can make his own mistakes no matter how horrific these mistakes turn out to be." the opinion is treated as perfectly sane.

    Or so the NRA would have us accept.

    Not so Tom Diaz who, in The Last Gun, argues that rights-be-damned, it's all about and always about making money.

    The number of people who own and buy guns has been decreasing so the gun makers are in a frenzy to sell more to those who still own/use weapons. Thus the amping up of campaigns to stoke paranoia and fear; the appeal to the wanna bes who play at being tough soldiers. There's also big profits in the accessories to guns; it's like legos for men someone said.

    As motor vehicle deaths have decreased, firearm deaths are on the increase; not just mass shootings but through accidents and suicides as well. Mr. Diaz asks how so?

    The answer lies in looking at a problem as a public health issue.

    Those wanting to solve the problem of highway deaths stopped blaming "poor drivers" or "bad luck." Data related to the problem was collected and analyzed to pin-point causes. The result was changes in car construction, road building, safety laws, and educational efforts like MADD. And, despite an increase in total miles driven, the death rate has been steadily declining.

    Compare this to the area of gun deaths (surely a public health problem when over 500 people are killed by guns EACH WEEK in America, and 1300+ wounded).

    Taking the public health approach to this fact has been prevented by the gun makers who have paid to have put in place laws to prohibit the collection of data related to gun violence. Such data as is available is blocked from becoming widely known.

    The media is complicit in this hush hush campaign; the author shows news stories of shootings that don't even mention the type of weapon involved.

    The book asks do the "rituals of community healing" that take place after a massacre do anything to stop the violence? The answer is, of course, teddy bears and candle parades won't make a difference.

    As Mr. Diaz says, "fleeting ritual embrace of public sorrow is not action." The media's "self-conscious sentimentality" just "give policy makers safe platforms to strike 'caring' postures."

    The "weepy rituals" benefit the gun industry as the NRA pretend its "disrespectful to discuss gun-violence prevention while families...are grieving."

    Pleading for gun registration and weapons bans has been unsuccessful so far in curbing the violence. Perhaps, as the author suggests, the first step is to find out the facts.

    That collation of knowledge must be potentially very galvanizing if the gun makers want so badly to hide it.

    America needs to demand the data.
    4 people found this helpful
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  • Reviewed in the United States on August 29, 2013
    Format: KindleVerified Purchase
    In his latest book, Tom Diaz, a former gun enthusiast and an ex-member of the National Rifle Association, the first chapter is appropriately called “A Reign of Terror.” When I obtained a sample for my Kindle all I had to do was read the first several pages and I knew I had to order this book. The statistics he reels off were what did it.

    He begins by noting that from 1969 to 2009 “a total of 5,586 people were killed in terrorist attacks against the United States or its interests.” This number includes those killed in the 9/11 attack.

    On the other hand, more than 30,000 were killed by guns every year between 1986 and 2010, with a few exceptional years when the total dipped below this number. In 2010 just five Americans were killed by terrorist attacks somewhere in the world, while 55 law enforcement officers were killed by guns that same year.

    Diaz goes on to point out that each year more Americans are killed by guns in the U.S. than people of all nationalities are killed throughout the world by terrorist attacks (31,672 vs. 13,186).

    And the rest of the book continues with an amazing catalog of facts that shatter every myth put forth by the gun industry. A must read!
    5 people found this helpful
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  • Reviewed in the United States on May 11, 2013
    Format: KindleVerified Purchase
    Suppose we approached the problem of gun violence in America in the same manner as other significant public health hazards--such as, say, passenger vehicle fatalities and injuries--by using data analysis, science, and innovation to make a useful but demonstrably dangerous instrumentality safer?

    After all, data prove beyond dispute that death and injury from firearms are a significant risk to our public health and safety. Over a six-year period--2005 through 2010--187,426 Americans were killed with firearms, an average of 31,238 per year. In comparison, 101,970 persons died in terrorist incidents, worldwide. Your chance of being killed by a firearm? About one in 22,000. Of being killed by a terrorist? Around one in 3,500,000. Yet, we've spared no expense to protect ourselves from terrorists; between 2001-2011, we spent more than $1 trillion on federal, state, and local "homeland security" initiatives. In federal fiscal years 2012 and 2013, we budgeted $96.5 billion on the Department of Homeland Security; at the same time, the total budget for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry has been $22.5 billion. We've enacted and re-enacted the PATRIOT Act, which includes compromises to our individual liberties under the Bill of Rights that, while still debated, are in effect.

    A no-brainer, right? Wrong. Standing in the way for the last two decades have been the National Rifle Association; its affiliates; and their underwriters, firearms manufacturers and plutocrats associated with other, right-wing causes.

    That's the case that Tom Diaz makes in his second book on the subject, The Last Gun. (The first, Making a Killing, was published in 1999.) Over the past 15 years, he demonstrates, this alliance has been responsible for:

    * Prohibiting the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention--the federal government's public health research agency--from sponsoring peer reviewed studies of the public health effects of gun violence;

    * Barring the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), through its National Tracing Center, from releasing any meaningful data in its own database on guns used in crimes;

    * Immunizing the gun industry from any significant civil liability for wrongful death or injury resulting from firearms use;

    * Through its state affiliates and the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), enacting a flurry of state laws promoting the public use of firearms by "law-abiding citizens," including "concealed carry" permits and Florida's "stand your ground" law, made infamous by the Trayvon Martin case; and

    * Implementing a decade-long legal strategy designed to frustrate local governments' ability to regulate firearms ownership and use, or take legal action against manufacturers or dealers for death or injury, that culminated in District of Columbia v. Heller, a 2008 U.S. Supreme Court decision that overturned two centuries of legal precedent to recognize an individual right to own firearms unconnected to a "well-regulated [state] militia," as expressed in the Second Amendment.

    These purposeful strategies were undertaken in service to the NRA's putative traditional mission: to protect the right of "law-abiding citizens" to keep their persons and places secure from criminal and governmental intrusion, as guaranteed by the Second Amendment. Diaz offers a more pedestrian motive: protecting and sustaining firearms sales and profits. His case is compelling. First, consider some identifiable trends in firearms ownership characteristics:

    * Currently at fewer than one in three, the number of households holding firearms is declining; rather, ownership tends to be concentrated and growing--if at all--in existing households. Over the last 40 years, the number of respondents under age 30 reporting a gun in the household has declined from 45 to 20 percent.

    * As a percentage of both their demographic and the population, most gun owners are white males.

    * Traditional, culturally-based reasons for owning firearms--rural living, hunting, and related sport shooting--are in decline. Younger users drawn to firearms at all are now more susceptible to "self-defense" as a reason.

    * Despite the industry's best efforts to the contrary, handgun sales to women are flat.

    Given these trends, Diaz lays out how the NRA and the industry have concentrated their efforts on overstating the likelihood of being a victim of crime or violence and capitalizing on that fear by marketing paramilitary products and accessories that kill or injure more efficiently.

    The irony in all this is that firearms death and injury as a unique public health problem of ours is likely to sort itself out over time, left to its own devices--at considerable human and economic expense in the meantime. Right now, over 90 percent of American households have a car, while fewer than a third contain a firearm; the year-by-year trends of deaths nationwide from these two consumer products are on trajectories to intersect.

    How do we turn this situation around? Diaz offers six categorical measures:

    1. "Stop accepting excuses from politicians." His position is that the NRA and its allies control this issue because our representatives who desire re-election and a compliant media allow it.

    2. "Demand an end to the lockdown on gun and gun violence data, and insist on the creation of comprehensive databases and open information about guns and gun violence." Diaz has two recommendations. First, establish a unified, searchable federal database of a type that will enable "[p]ublic health analysts, policymakers, and ordinary citizens...to find out as much about the trends in gun violence as that which is freely available today about trends in tire blowouts, baby stroller design, tainted foodstuffs, and virtually every item of consumer usage." Until that happens, organize and coordinate all available state and local information on gun usage, morbidity, and mortality and make it available to the media on a regular basis. (Most current studies rely on media reports of gun violence, which--as Diaz demonstrates, repeatedly--are hardly scientific, but all we've got.)

    3. "Understand that gun violence is not someone else's issue." Gun violence cannot be viewed in isolation. It affects communities at every socioeconomic level, and its contributions to domestic violence; gang presence and control; and drug usage is ubiquitous.

    4. "Learn about guns and the gun industry." I can't say it any better than Diaz does: "Gun control may be one of the few issues in America in which all opinions, no matter how under- or misinformed, are given equal weight." I know of no interest in America better at staying on message and changing the subject than the NRA.

    5. "Look upstream for gun violence prevention measures." Again, Diaz: "A database that includes all the details of incidents of gun violence--similar to databases on contaminated drugs, automobile crashes, and injuries from defective children's furniture-- would yield invaluable information, no matter what label the industry chooses to use in its marketing programs."

    6. "Learn from successful programs." There are good reasons that other post-industrial, first-world nations don't suffer gun violence at the rates we do, and we shouldn't be afraid to study them to find out why. Australia's 1996 reforms, which included an assault weapons ban and massive government buy-back program, would be a good place to start.

    Overall, the only chink in Diaz' armor I could find was his indictment of politicians craving re-election and the politics of "triangulation" as enablers of the NRA's coalition--not because it they aren't, but because their positions on gun control are relative and taken out of context. It cannot be denied that the NRA is one of the most successful, "single interest" lobbies ever devised, but it has profited in large part--especially lately--by aligning itself with other moneyed interests who manipulate the system for their own gain. I agree with Diaz that the NRA is not nearly the electoral tiger it makes itself out to be, but what ails us politically extends well beyond this issue. Because I've been there, I know that the cynical calculation necessary to win another term requires prioritization of those issues likely to hurt you and, unfortunately, gun control is down the list.

    At last, the author puts the onus on us, the citizen-electorate:

    "America will get the kind of gun violence prevention programs that it deserves only when, and if, the vast, silent majority realizes that strong and effective fact-based policies that significantly reduce gun death and injury are in their interest--and then does something about it."

    This is true not just of gun violence but every other subject of importance that runs aground on the political shoals in the Congress. The shortest distance between two points here would be national electoral and some constitutional reforms, about which I've written elsewhere.

    On the present issue, though, here's a start: Read this book to inform your own arguments, then ask those who disagree with it to demonstrate, chapter and verse, how, where, and why any of Diaz' analysis is wrong. Be firm but civil--and, above all, don't allow them to change the subject.
    12 people found this helpful
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