I found Sands' book to be a very readable and enlightening work. I do not have any experience with law and knew almost nothing of international law but still found the information in this book to be very accessible and easy to understand. Usually whenever I read anything on law my biggest battle is trying to stay conscious.
The main thing I took away from this work is just how tenuous the rule of international law is in today's volatile world. The amount of influence that the United States wields as the world's only remaining super power is out of proportion with the needs of the world. International laws unsupported by the U.S. are useless, and if the UN and the other mechanisms (such as the ICC) created to impose law, order, human rights and protect the environment continue to be opposed or actively obstructed by the U.S. there will never be any peace based on world consensus. The U.S. must stop seeking to extend its hegemony into further areas and allow its power and influence to recede so that there can be more equality.
The opposition to international law in the U.S. is not confined to one political party or the other because both parties have attempted to extend the U.S. dominance in the world. One nation cannot be above all others if any type of international system is to be affective.
This book is an easy to read eye opener. If you are looking for an accessible guide to what is happening in international law then this is the book for you.
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Lawless World: America and the Making and Breaking of Global Rules--From FDR's Atlantic Charter to George W. Bush's Illegal War Hardcover – Bargain Price, October 20, 2005
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Philippe Sands
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Philippe Sands
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Product details
- ASIN : B000FTWAZY
- Hardcover : 352 pages
- Item Weight : 1.05 pounds
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Best Sellers Rank:
#8,879,517 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #12,629 in Foreign & International Law
- #14,291 in National & International Security (Books)
- #58,106 in Deals in Books
- Customer Reviews:
Customer reviews
4.4 out of 5 stars
4.4 out of 5
33 global ratings
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Reviewed in the United States on June 8, 2007
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4 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on January 24, 2019
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Very Ok Thank You!!!
Reviewed in the United States on March 1, 2006
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Philippe Sands' book is important, which is why I rated my review at "5," however, if I was to rate the book on the basis of my satisfaction with Amazon, better stated, "dissatisfaction with Amazon," I would rate it zero because Amazon failed to ship the most recent edition. In fact, I have purchased the book twice and both times received the October 2005 edition rather than the edition reported about by BBC World News, et al.
14 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on October 31, 2011
This book explores the changes to international laws from WWII to the War on Terror, focusing primarily on the periods right after WWII, and during the presidencies of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. The book argues that the US and UK led the establishment of international law after WWII, and are now leading to its dissolution and replacement with the rule of power. The author delves into the details of the various treaties and international institutions the US helped bring about in the 1940s and 50s, and stayed out of or joined halfheartedly in the 90's and 2000's. Much in between is left out, such as the SALT treaties, and the treaty to ban land mines that the US did not sign to.
The author argues that America's support of international institutions after WWII were due to the threat of international communism and a desire to rebuild the world to prevent the repeat of mistakes that occurred after WWII. The author also argues that America's disavowal of many of these same institutions in the 1990s and 2000s is because America is so strong now, without any rivals, that it does not need international cooperation to legitimatize or support its actions. I believe this is partly right, but the I believe the more accurate answer is the role of businesses. Specifically, many international institutions over the past two decades focus on protecting the environment, upholding labor standards, restricting the trade in precious items, and protecting civil rights. All of these offer numerous roadblocks to corporate profits. Examples include pollution controls on factories, labor laws for shoe factories, and mandatory safety equipment for miners. US elections are decided by money, so it is no wonder that cash-rich corporations help elect leaders that protect their bottom lines by fighting against international agreements and institutions that would put people over profits.
Much of this book's focus is on the US relations with foreign institutions after the 9-11 attacks. For this case, I would point to the works of Webster Griffin Tarpley, David Ray Griffin, Edwin Black, Anthony Sutton, Anthony Sampson, and William Engerdahl. Collectively, their works demonstrate the power of American corporations in determining the foreign and domestic policy of the US, in relation to other countries and to international institutions. They also show that US foreign policy has consistently trampled human rights in favor of business profits over the entire course of the 20th century. However, much of this was done covertly via actions of the CIA. A studied reading of the fate of Mossadegh in Iran, Aguinaldo in the Philippines, the rise of Saddam Hussein in Iraq, Salvador Allende in Chile, and the covert support of terrorist groups in Italy and France during the Cold War demonstrate the superficial respect of human rights by successive US administrations. Maybe the best examples was the US propping up decades of one-party rule in South Korea and Japan, essentially dictatorships with a revolving front door. All told, I believe this author relies too much on law treatises, legal documents and press briefings to source his book.
The author argues that America's support of international institutions after WWII were due to the threat of international communism and a desire to rebuild the world to prevent the repeat of mistakes that occurred after WWII. The author also argues that America's disavowal of many of these same institutions in the 1990s and 2000s is because America is so strong now, without any rivals, that it does not need international cooperation to legitimatize or support its actions. I believe this is partly right, but the I believe the more accurate answer is the role of businesses. Specifically, many international institutions over the past two decades focus on protecting the environment, upholding labor standards, restricting the trade in precious items, and protecting civil rights. All of these offer numerous roadblocks to corporate profits. Examples include pollution controls on factories, labor laws for shoe factories, and mandatory safety equipment for miners. US elections are decided by money, so it is no wonder that cash-rich corporations help elect leaders that protect their bottom lines by fighting against international agreements and institutions that would put people over profits.
Much of this book's focus is on the US relations with foreign institutions after the 9-11 attacks. For this case, I would point to the works of Webster Griffin Tarpley, David Ray Griffin, Edwin Black, Anthony Sutton, Anthony Sampson, and William Engerdahl. Collectively, their works demonstrate the power of American corporations in determining the foreign and domestic policy of the US, in relation to other countries and to international institutions. They also show that US foreign policy has consistently trampled human rights in favor of business profits over the entire course of the 20th century. However, much of this was done covertly via actions of the CIA. A studied reading of the fate of Mossadegh in Iran, Aguinaldo in the Philippines, the rise of Saddam Hussein in Iraq, Salvador Allende in Chile, and the covert support of terrorist groups in Italy and France during the Cold War demonstrate the superficial respect of human rights by successive US administrations. Maybe the best examples was the US propping up decades of one-party rule in South Korea and Japan, essentially dictatorships with a revolving front door. All told, I believe this author relies too much on law treatises, legal documents and press briefings to source his book.
Reviewed in the United States on March 5, 2006
As A lawyer I approached Phillipe Sands book with some interest. He is a renowned International Lawyer working from Chambers containing some of the leading barristers in the field. I also had misgivings about the legality of Iraq, Guantanamo and the Bush/Blair anti terror crusade without truly understanding the full legal background.
This book was both informative, disturbing and remarkably well written. Sands begins with the Atlantic Charter - the original initiative of Roosevelt and Churchill that set down the foundation for present international standards. He then traces the pioneering work of both the USA and Britain in helping to establish the institutions that monitor and protect such standards.
It is against this background that we then see the apparent disdain with which the administrations of both countires now view international law in the context of the war on terror. What is particularly disturbing is the double standard as as laws are used to enforce international laws against countries that we don't like but which do not apply to us.
In a careful, forensic analysis he completely dismantles any possible arguments that the war on Iraq was lawful or that inmates at Guatantamo are outside the basic protection of the Geneva Conventions. Of particular interest to UK readers is the alarming change of legal advice provided by the Attorney General over a period of mere weeks in 2003 in the build up to war.
He emphasises the important point that if the UK and USA ignore international standards then how much more difficult will it be to complain if other nations fail to apply such rules in their dealings with us.
Whatever one thinks of the rights and wrongs of the events of the last few years Sands leaves us in no doubt that whatever we do has to be kept within the legal framework which we ourselves established.
This book was both informative, disturbing and remarkably well written. Sands begins with the Atlantic Charter - the original initiative of Roosevelt and Churchill that set down the foundation for present international standards. He then traces the pioneering work of both the USA and Britain in helping to establish the institutions that monitor and protect such standards.
It is against this background that we then see the apparent disdain with which the administrations of both countires now view international law in the context of the war on terror. What is particularly disturbing is the double standard as as laws are used to enforce international laws against countries that we don't like but which do not apply to us.
In a careful, forensic analysis he completely dismantles any possible arguments that the war on Iraq was lawful or that inmates at Guatantamo are outside the basic protection of the Geneva Conventions. Of particular interest to UK readers is the alarming change of legal advice provided by the Attorney General over a period of mere weeks in 2003 in the build up to war.
He emphasises the important point that if the UK and USA ignore international standards then how much more difficult will it be to complain if other nations fail to apply such rules in their dealings with us.
Whatever one thinks of the rights and wrongs of the events of the last few years Sands leaves us in no doubt that whatever we do has to be kept within the legal framework which we ourselves established.
18 people found this helpful
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Top reviews from other countries
Victoria Martin
5.0 out of 5 stars
Five Stars
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on February 25, 2018Verified Purchase
Excellent overview about how international laws are made and flouted.
One person found this helpful
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Rob Peach
5.0 out of 5 stars
Highly recommend Philippe Sands' Lawless World
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on June 14, 2016Verified Purchase
Excellent tour of America's questionable behaviour, pre and post 9/11
P. A. Dunne
5.0 out of 5 stars
Five Stars
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on June 8, 2018Verified Purchase
Arrest Blair
2 people found this helpful
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neetu
4.0 out of 5 stars
Four Stars
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on December 3, 2015Verified Purchase
Nice read.
Amazon Customer
4.0 out of 5 stars
arrived on time and in pretty good nick
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on September 3, 2016Verified Purchase
Another book now on the 'to be read' pile: arrived on time and in pretty good nick.


