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Leading the Way: The Story of Ed Feulner and the Heritage Foundation Hardcover – March 26, 2013
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Leading the Way tells the story of how Ed Feulner has transformed policymaking in Washington and has led The Heritage Foundation into becoming the most influential conservative think tank in the nation. Under Ed Feulner and for 36 years, Heritage has shaped politics with conservative solutions for such critical issues as entitlements, national security, missile defense, health care, welfare reform, immigration, free trade, energy, and the role of the family and religion in society. Today, with over hundreds of thousands of members and an annual budget of more than $80 million, Heritage is a permanent Washington institution and the leading exponent of conservative ideas in America and around the world.
The man who made it happen is Ed Feulner, intellectual entrepreneur, hands-on manager, legendary fundraiser, presidential adviser, bestselling author, and world traveler--a man who never stops and was described by The Economist as "one of the most influential conservatives in America."
- Print length464 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherCrown Forum
- Publication dateMarch 26, 2013
- Dimensions6.25 x 1.5 x 9.5 inches
- ISBN-100770435785
- ISBN-13978-0770435783
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About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Growing Up Right
Edwin John Feulner, Jr., was born on August 12, 1941, in Evergreen Park, a tiny suburb on the far southwest side of Chicago, the broad-shouldered city of the Daley political machine and the University of Chicago school of economics. He was the first child and only son of Edwin John and Helen Joan (Franzen) Feulner, also born on the South Side, and whose grandparents came to America from Germany in the 1870s. Ed Jr.—he was called “Bud” within the family—would be followed by three sisters—Mary Ann, Joan, and Barbara.
Tall and an outstanding athlete in his youth, Edwin Feulner, Sr. (“E.J.”), was outgoing and easy with people, always ready with a story in the office or at a party. He had a good position in the real estate department of the Continental Illinois Bank and a promising future there. Pretty and as gregarious as her husband, Helen Feulner ran the household with a firm but loving hand. Eddie was her favorite child, according to his sisters.
The Feulners were members of America’s largest self-identified nationality: German Americans represented about one-sixth of the population. Since Baron von Steuben and the American Revolution, Americans of German descent had been influential in every aspect of U.S. society. There had been military leaders like Jack Pershing, business leaders like John D. Rockefeller, renowned scientists like Albert Einstein, and presidents like Herbert Hoover.
Like all immigrants, the Feulners had been enticed by the promise of the American Dream, to have the freedom to be whatever they wanted to be, to rise as fast and as far as their talents and ambition could take them. Because they worked harder and longer and with more purpose, German Americans prospered more than almost any other ethnic group.1
The Feulners were different in one aspect from many other German Americans—they were devout Roman Catholics. All three of Helen Feulner’s brothers were parish priests, whose examples deepened the Catholicism of their family members. Uncle Peter’s parish was on the South Side, and he would visit his sister and her family several times a month. For the Feulners, saying grace before meals and praying the rosary were as natural as going to mass on Sunday, which they did without exception. In fact, Ed and Helen usually went to Saturday-morning mass as well. “Mom and Dad had a great love of Mary,” recalls Barbara Lackey. “When the clouds would start to come and it would start to rain, we took the rosary out. When we were in the car, we took the rosary out. It was very much a natural part of our growing up,” says Joan Barry.2
Edwin Feulner, Sr., was the first in the family to receive a college degree, earning a BS from DePaul University in the late 1930s by attending classes at night while working at the Continental Bank during the day. He endured without complaint the long days and nights, understanding that a degree would advance his career and help him provide for his family. During World War II he got a draft deferment because of his family status.
Shortly after the end of the war, E.J. left the security of his bank job and started his own realty firm located on State Street and later on Wabash Avenue on the near North Side. (His office was above a go-go club.) He decided to deal primarily in commercial real estate. It was a risk but a calculated one. The war was over, Chicago was beginning to boom, and office space was at a premium. He played a significant part in assembling the parcels of land that became Water Tower Place and Marina City, two of downtown Chicago’s most important developments. “You would ride up or down a street with him,” remembers his son, “and he could tell you the history and the ownership of just about every building. But he never lost his South Side roots, so we all grew up loving the White Sox, not the Cubs.”3
E.J.’s quiet charity made a lasting impression on his son. For many years the senior Feulner paid the rent of two relatives who otherwise might have been homeless. No one knew he was helping them until after his death. He would hire a friend down on his luck to work in his office, causing his practical wife to sigh: “There goes more overhead and not much more productivity.” “That was the kind of person he was,” says his son. “He didn’t need or expect accolades for his good deeds.”4
The senior Feulner was innately conservative—grateful for the rewards of free enterprise—but he was not politically active. He rarely expressed an opinion about any politician, although it came out in family talks around the kitchen table that he and Helen had voted for Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1952. They voted for John F. Kennedy in 1960 mainly because he was a Catholic. E.J. focused on running his modest-sized but highly successful firm and providing a comfortable living for his wife and four children.
By 1950, the Feulners were doing well enough to move to the prosperous suburb of Elmhurst, which had so many elms and other trees it was known as Tree City, USA. Its annual Memorial Day and St. Patrick’s Day parades were among the largest in the county. Elmhurst was a Norman Rockwell town in which a boy could ride a bike and join the Boy Scouts and deliver the local newspaper and go to church every Sunday and wonder what was on the other side of Lake Michigan.
It was also a good town for making friends. When twelve-year-old Bruce McEvoy and his family moved from Brooklyn to Elmhurst in 1955, they knew no one. On the day they moved in, Bruce noticed several boys riding by on their bikes, but no one stopped until one boy pulled his bike up to the sidewalk in front of their house. Sticking out his hand, he said, “Welcome to Elmhurst. My name’s Eddie Feulner. What’s yours?” The two boys talked for thirty minutes, beginning a close friendship that would last for the rest of their lives.
Bruce was soon invited over to Eddie’s house to meet his parents, who quickly accepted the likable young New Yorker who shared the senior Feulner’s love of sports. On that first visit, McEvoy recalls, Eddie invited him downstairs to see his room. “I thought it was a wing of the New York City Library,” he says. “It was filled with all kinds of books on history, geography, railroads, photography, all the things that interested Ed. It was clear from the start that Ed was a little different from the rest of us.”5
What impressed McEvoy was his new friend’s thoroughness. When Eddie took up something, “it [was] 100 percent,” like the model trains that seemed to occupy every inch of the Feulner basement. Proud of the complex of tracks, bridges, stations, gates, and lights he had constructed, he insisted on referring to them as model railroads, not model trains.
Although happy in Elmhurst, Edwin and Helen Feulner never forgot they were from the South Side. Every week, along with Eddie and his sisters, they visited their parents who had remained in the city. Helen’s father owned a hardware store at 102nd and Vincennes, which the grandchildren loved to explore. “We could play with putty or watch our grandfather cut glass or sell paint or cut keys,” recalls Ed Feulner. “You don’t make a key, you know—you cut a key.”6
Their paternal grandfather died when Eddie was only four, but his widow lived for another thirty years, working as a factory cook on the South Side within a mile of the stockyards. “We used to go there Sunday evenings for dinner,” Feulner remembers, “and on the way home we’d see the trucks with cattle, hogs, sheep lined up—hundreds of them in a row—waiting for the opening of the stockyards Monday morning. That was back when Chicago was the hog butcher of the world.”7 E.J. would explain the law of supply and demand to his fascinated son sitting beside him in the front seat.
E.J. had been an altar boy, and so starting in the fourth grade, Eddie was an altar boy at Immaculate Conception, their large parish church in Elmhurst. In those pre–Vatican II days you fasted from midnight Saturday, taking only water until receiving communion at Sunday morning mass. That could be hard on a growing boy, as it was for Eddie one Christmas morning at high mass, when he fainted while serving. But that did not deter him from showing up the next Sunday.
Because he and Bruce McEvoy, who was also Catholic, lived close to the church, they were often drafted to fill in as altar boys when other boys fell sick or there was a special mass, presided over by the bishop. “Ed was very good at ceremony,” says McEvoy, “and had pretty good Latin. He was devout without calling attention to it.” He gave some thought to becoming a priest but, as his sister Joan puts it, “no more than most good Catholic boys in the fifties and sixties.”8
As a boy, Eddie was fascinated by the giant steam engines and freight cars of the Northwestern Railway, the Illinois Central, and the Chicago and Great Western Railway, all of which passed through Elmhurst, “a big train town.” Elmhurst was the last stop for the commuter trains coming from Chicago that would pull off on a siding about two blocks from the Feulner house. “I could go over on my bicycle and watch the engine go down the track, run around a Y, do a switch, and turn itself around so that it was ready to run back into the city. I had notebooks to keep track of cars going in and out.”9 He and his father built a model Elmhurst and Western Railroad, complete with passenger passes that Eddie printed on his own small press.
From an early age, Eddie possessed boundless energy and was curious about everything, in and out of school. While maintaining a high grade average at Immaculate Conception High School—which earned him a commendation from the Illinois State Scholarship Commission—he appeared in the classic farce Charley’s Aunt. He was the official photographer of the yearbook, developing pictures in his darkroom in the basement of the Feulner home, and the head of the debating society. He organized a model United Nations, resulting in a trip to New York City.
His class picture reveals an earnest young man in a dark suit and white shirt with black horn-rimmed glasses with thick Coke-bottle lenses. The glasses were essential—without them, he had 20–1200 vision in one eye and 20–1150 in the other, a condition formally classified as “severely impaired,” almost legally blind. His exceedingly poor eyesight meant he couldn’t play on any of the school teams, but he was at every ICHS football game, snapping pictures of the players. And his eyesight did not prevent him from reading and reading and reading, starting with the wall of books in what the Feulners called the library in their home. “Dad loved Mark Twain,” remembers Barbara Lackey, “Huckleberry Finn and all the rest.”10
“Mom and Dad instilled the entrepreneurial spirit in me from an early age,” Ed says.11 He did it all—washing windows at a penny a pane, selling cucumbers and tomatoes from a backyard vegetable garden, mowing the neighbors’ lawns. He delivered the Elmhurst Press twice a week and was a sales clerk on the weekends at the Elmhurst Camera Shop. In the summers, he and Bruce McEvoy parked cars for a summer stock theater. He was a Cub Scout and then a Boy Scout, attaining First Class. His scouting experience taught him not only to tie knots and read a compass but to take oaths seriously. To this day, he writes approximately two thousand letters a year congratulating young men who have made Eagle Scout.
Barbara remembers sitting around the kitchen table with her brother and sisters after dinner when their father would talk about what had happened that day—“ ‘this deal went through,’ he’d say, or ‘we had better pray that I close this deal.’ He would explain something to us if we didn’t understand it. And he instilled in us a sense that we could do anything we wanted to if we put our mind to it, and we could be successful at whatever we do as long as we really concentrated on it.”12
In the 1950s a good Catholic high school offered a liberal arts education equivalent to that of many of today’s colleges. Immaculate Conception was one of the best and one of the few coed schools in the diocese, with solid instruction by the Sisters of Saint Agnes of Fond du Lac, Wisconsin. “They were tough, but they were fair,” says Joan Barry.13
Fifty years later, when he received Immaculate Conception’s Distinguished Alumni Award, Ed remarked that the school had equipped him with “a remarkable education . . . a sound faith in good over evil and a deep trust in God.” Even then, he said, “I knew I wanted to one day make a difference for the general good of my country by restoring the first principles I believed it to be founded upon.”14
After considering a number of Catholic colleges—his father suggested Chicago’s Loyola University, of which he was a trustee—Ed surprised his parents by picking Regis College, an all-male liberal arts college in Denver, Colorado. “I wanted,” he explains, “a school that was Jesuit, small, and away.” Although unknown in secular higher education, Regis University is one of just twenty-eight Jesuit universities in America, and it is highly regarded within the American Catholic Church. In August 1993, Pope John Paul II visited the Regis campus, where he met with President Bill Clinton for the first time.
During Ed’s first eighteen years, his father provided an entrepreneurial spirit, his mother gave him her unqualified love, Elmhurst gave him a sense of community and patriotism, and Immaculate Conception High School gave him a good education and deepened his faith. Regis College would introduce him to a world of ideas he did not know existed.
• • •
Ed Feulner entered college at the end of the 1950s, when it seemed that America’s center was holding steady, but a series of violent events would soon cause a polarization between generations, races, and social classes.15 They included the assassination of a dynamic young president, a distant war involving half a million servicemen, and the rise of a radical counterculture.
Most accounts of the 1960s focus on the most visible manifestations of the Left—the antiwar movement, the riotous Democratic National Convention in Chicago, SDS and the Weathermen—but they leave out the rise of a Right that offered an alternative, emphasizing patriotism, free enterprise, and religious faith. Concerned about the course of the nation, conservatives plunged into politics and helped a Silent Majority find its voice.
Product details
- Publisher : Crown Forum; First Edition (March 26, 2013)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 464 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0770435785
- ISBN-13 : 978-0770435783
- Item Weight : 1.55 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.25 x 1.5 x 9.5 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #3,853,330 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #5,854 in Political Conservatism & Liberalism
- #16,432 in Political Leader Biographies
- #27,755 in United States Biographies
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One, it is a biography of the energetic, intelligent, accomplished, effective dynamo, Ed Feulner, who inspires others to do more than they think they can, and who does this by example and substance. Feulner seems to have more astonishing achievements in his resume than any other five exceptional people put together. He is a joyous man who lives and loves large. He loves his family and his country. And for a long time he served as president of the Heritage Foundation.
The second thing this book is about is the early days of the Heritage Foundation and how it grew to become the most important think tank in the country, financially and substantially, regularly offering researched ideas in compact ways to congress and even to presidents to help inform them on the major issues of the day in a timely fashion. One is certainly impressed with the great work the Heritage Foundation has done to help preserve Constitutional government and capitalism in a free country.
But for me the takeaway of this book is the way nothing ever changes in history. Even the language doesn't change. Nowadays it is common for the left to name call their opponents in the most disgusting ways, and for the right to warn of the imminent dangers of allowing the left to have its way. And it is true that deficit spending and debt are insanely higher than ever as a percentage of our economy, and the world is falling apart all around us, and Obamacare seems to me to be a disaster to our very way of life, but if we didn't have these things to worry about, there would be others. As Reagan reminded us freedom is easily lost if we are not diligent in the fight to keep it. Each side thinks that proponents of the other side of the argument are really getting extreme, more than ever before, but reading this book reminded me that it isn't really all as different from the past as I remembered.
I will only give a couple of examples from the book of what I mean.
The book begins its story around 1964.
When Heritage published a Mandate for Leadership, one element in it called to rescind affirmative action in hiring. Vernon Jarrett said, "....the avowed right wingers have taken off their verbal bedsheets." Plus ca change. If someone has an opinion that is different from yours, that puts him in the category of the KKK.
Today the argument goes on about which way will make things better for the poor. Is it better to have the government take over all responsibility to fix poverty or is good old fashioned capitalism still the best way for people to lift themselves up? We may feel original in taking a side here. But the arguments sound the same as they have throughout the decades.
In 1964 LBJ promised his Great Society would give every citizen full equality...and, that being not a big enough goal, he said he would make it possible for all nations to live in enduring peace. So we spent tons and tons of money and how did that work out for him, do you think?
In fact over the ages, my experience has been that the promises of perfection come from the left and the right then has to work mightily to undo the messes that the over promising and over spending and regulation have caused. (not to mention the under militarizing.)
In case each side today finds the platforms of the opposite political party alarming, here is an example of what the Democrat party platform was in 1976. You can read this on page 86 of the book. The platform said we "must set annual targets for unemployment, production and price stability." The platform promised a clear endorsement of economic planning, national health insurance - gulp - guaranteed annual income, gun control, overturning states' rights to work laws, sharp reduction in defense spending and more goodies like that which scared the Republicans then as such promises do today.
The Carter administration ended with high unemployment, low production and high inflation and interest rates and hostages in Iran, and communist expansion. Reagan came along and had to undo the damage and did. The cycle continues.
And same as always, each side defines the good times and bad times according to political perspectives and prejudices. Each side reads statistics different ways to make history fit its own story.
Meanwhile from then to now the Heritage Foundation labored long and hard to tell the story from the perspective of the conservative vision.
Today news media often try to pit Tea Party's activism against Operation Wall Street people, as if they are two ways of expression of political thought. True, the msm will call the Tea Party extreme or other worse names while ignoring the excesses of OWS. Or the left will blame the Koch Bros. for their undue influence, as they ignore the efforts of Soros or SEIU on the other side as if they don't matter at all.
In the late 70's it was Ralph Nader who proffered a zero growth approach and Heritage which answered with Big Business Day to celebrate the achievements of business. The activities and arguments are eternally around. Plus ca change.
We read on page 205 about the "demise" of Communism as it ticks off the countries where Communism fell in 1989 as a result of the triumvirate of Margaret Thatcher's stoniness, the Pope's moral leadership, and Reagan's standing firm with military buildup and the promise of SDI. It is sad to read about that today as Russia is on the march again and seems to want nothing less than a reconstitution of its lost empire. We were so roseate then about a growth of freedom worldwide and Heritage looked forward to the opportunity to create a new political landscape. Today there is Communist expansion once again in Central and South America, and Islamism is a new fun friend of the devil the world has to deal with. History and its cycles.
On page 207 is this reference after we had"won" the Cold War: Heritage said there must be no more adjusting to liberal initiatives, but a more aggressive push for the adoption of conservative programs. Otherwise, Feulner warned, about what he called the tin cup syndrome, where America would be turned from "a nation of entrepreneurs into a nation of lobbyists" who would be coming to congress begging for money. Look how familiar it sounds today.
The arguments against placing U.S. sovereignty under the U.N. during the first Iraq war under Bush the father, ring as true today. The back and forth about the reasons for a strong defense and intelligence services versus why more money should be "invested" on the home front in this book sound like carbon copies of arguments made today.
Clinton campaigned endorsing a balanced budget amendment, deregulation, but when elected, governed as the usual tax and spend liberal. Democrats always run their campaigns making moderate or conservative promises and then when elected, govern as liberals or progressives. Nothing changes.
And then we have the spectacle of Hillary trying to establish a National takeover of our health care system. If she had less luck than Obama did, perhaps she was in the end luckier to have been a failure in her efforts because now her name is not associated so closely with the debacle that is the "Affordable Health Care Act".
So while Leading the Way glories in the story about the great success of the Heritage Foundation and the magical influence of Feulner in our great country's history, and is a delight to read for all of its good news, to me it was tinged with a certain sadness because the same problems remain and must be reargued over and over again. And that became my takeaway from this optimistic book.
One month after Election Day 2012, it was big news in Washington, that Sen. Jim DeMint (R-SC) had been selected to be the new president of The Heritage Foundation. I recall thinking that most people were unaware of the conservative think tank that since 1973 had played an enormous role in the halls of Congress and in the Oval Office providing timely, excellent data to help shape the outcome of legislation and policy.
At the heart of the Foundation was an extraordinary man, Ed Feulner. I suspect he remains unknown to most outside the nation's capital, but, despite the many honors he has received over the years, he did not seek the spotlight, preferring instead to build the Foundation which is the rock upon which the conservative movement in America has been built.
On April 2nd, Feulner penned a farewell letter to Heritage members after three and a half decades of leadership. They currently number in the hundreds of thousands and I am one of them. Many believe that conservatism is in decline, but Fuelner said, "Let us remember that we've been here before. When we started Heritage in 1973, liberals controlled Congress and all the socio-cultural institutions. In the White House we had a president weakened by scandal and who had instituted wage and price controls, grown the welfare state, and trekked to Beijing to meet Mao...within seven years Ronald Reagan was elected President."
Lee Edwards, an author and chronicler of conservatism, has added a new book to the eight he has already written, "Leading the Way: The Story of Ed Feulner and The Heritage Foundation" ($27.50, Crown Forum). Earlier books he has written include "The Essential Ronald Reagan" and "Goldwater." The new book is a meticulous review of Feulner's life and the step-by-step growth of The Foundation from a very modest beginning to its present status, acknowledged by all who know how power is exercised in Washington, as one of the most influential--if not the most influential--of the think tanks that call it home, most notably the Brookings Institution, the Rand Corporation, the Cato Institute, and the Competitive Enterprise Institute.
Edward's book is also a history of the conservative movement in America since the days when Barry Goldwater got trounced by President Lyndon Johnson in 1964 election. The presidency has, since the days of Franklin D. Roosevelt, moved back and forth between the parties. For the Republicans, there was Dwight Eisenhower, Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Ronald Reagan, and the Bush's, father and son.
One thing that is evident in Edward's book is the way many Republican presidents also embraced aspects of Big Government and that includes the legendary Ronald Reagan who, despite introducing key conservative principles, nonetheless had been unable to cut government spending. In the first six years he was in office, it had risen from 22% to 24% of GNP. Reagan, however, did lower taxes and preside over eight years of near constant economic growth, built the nation's defense capabilities, contributed greatly to the collapse of the Soviet Union, and put in motion many of the policies the Foundation.
Reagan was followed in office by Bill Clinton who had run from a center-right position, embracing many of the policies the Foundation had long espoused. In one of the ironies of politics, his legacy was actually enhanced when in 1994 Republicans captured control of Congress after forty years in which Democrats had expanded government and its many entitlement programs. The welfare program he twice vetoed became law and now he cites that as one of his achievements.
All during the years since the 1970s, Feulner had been building the Foundation, gaining the support of deep-pocket donors like Joseph Coors, the beer magnate, expanding its membership, and, most importantly, creating a staff of some of the most brilliant minds on a range of issues from the economy, foreign affairs, welfare, education, and defense, among others. From the beginning, they turned out scholarly, but pragmatic research papers that were distributed to the members of Congress to aid them in understanding the legislation that demanded facts to either support or defeat.
As time went along, the Foundation expanded its mission using public relations and communications techniques to reach the public. Its staff appeared on television, gave radio interviews, and speeches to convey the conservative approach to government. Throughout most of its years, the Foundation had scrupulously avoided being a lobbying organization.
That changed when Congress passed the Honest Leadership and Open Government Act in 2007, an expansion of the 1995 Lobbying Disclosure Act. It became obvious that the Foundation needed a separate arm to engage in lobbying in the D.C. world of "the permanent campaign." The Heritage Action lobbying arm would not get involved in the electoral races, but one of its first successes was getting the House to repeal the Obamacare legislation, though the repeal had no chance in the Democrat controlled Senate.
That could change after the 2014 midterm elections. Recall that, in 2010, two years into President Obama's first term, Republicans picked up 61 seats in the House, exceeding the 53 captured in 1994 Gingrich revolution, and six seats in the Senate, drastically reducing the Democrat majority. It also added six new Republican governors.
There is every reason to believe that the still-sluggish economic growth, the continuing high unemployment rate, and the negative impact that Obamacare is already having that even "low-information" voters will want change in 2014. The Tea Party movement continues to thrive and they had a significant impact in 2010.
Feulner understood that "there are no permanent victories in Washington and there are no permanent defeats either." He said, "most Americans remain committed to the low-taxes, pro-growth, limited-government message of contemporary conservatism."
Just over 41% of voters self-identify as conservative. A large number now call themselves independents--disappointed with both parties. They will lean toward worthy conservative candidates who can articulate the conservative message. The Heritage Foundation will be there to ensure that message is heard and to continue its constant generation of research studies to aid those in office fighting for conservative principles.
© Alan Caruba, 2013

