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Lenin's Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire Paperback – April 26, 1994

by David Remnick (Author)

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Winner of the Pulitzer Prize
One of the Best Books of the Year: The New York Times

From the editor of The New Yorker: a riveting account of the collapse of the Soviet Union, which has become the standard book on the subject. Lenin’s Tomb combines the global vision of the best historical scholarship with the immediacy of eyewitness journalism. Remnick takes us through the tumultuous 75-year period of Communist rule leading up to the collapse and gives us the voices of those who lived through it, from democratic activists to Party members, from anti-Semites to Holocaust survivors, from Gorbachev to Yeltsin to Sakharov. An extraordinary history of an empire undone, Lenin’s Tomb stands as essential reading for our times.

Print length

624 pages
Language

English
Publisher

Vintage
Publication date

April 26, 1994
Dimensions

5.14 x 1.28 x 7.99 inches
ISBN-10

0679751254
ISBN-13

978-0679751250
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Editorial Reviews

Amazon.com Review

"...the most eloquent chronicle of the Soviet empire's demise." --Washington Post Book World

"...an extraordinary confluence of observation, hard work, knowledge, and reflection; a better book by a journalist on the withdrawing roar of the Soviet Union is hard to imagine." --The New York Times Book Review

From Publishers Weekly

An outstanding account of the unravelling of the Soviet empire; with a new afterword by the author.
Copyright 1994 Reed Business Information, Inc.

Review

An engrossing and essential addition to the human and political literature of our time." —The New York Times

The most eloquent chronicle of the Soviet empire's demise published to date.... It is hard to conceive of a work that might surpass it."—Francine du Plessix Gray, Washington Post Book World

"An eloquent and riveting oral history of an epochal moment of change." —Michael Ignatieff, The Los Angeles Times

"Remnick ... has achieved a very rare feat: to make the reader feel he has been present himself at a great turning point in history. It is a stunning book, moving and vivid from the first page to last." —Robert A. Caro

"Utterly absorbing.... If you did not have the opportunity to witness the Soviet empire in its death throes, Lenin's Tomb will take you there." —Jack F. Matlock, Jr.

From the Publisher

An engrossing and essential addition to the human and political literature of our time."--The New York Times

The most eloquent chronicle of the Soviet empire's demise published to date....It is hard to conceive of a work that might surpass it."--Francine du Plessix Gray, Washington Post Book World

"An eloquent and riveting oral history of an epochal moment of change."--Michael Ignatieff, The Los Angeles Times

"Remnick...has achieved a very rare feat: to make the reader feel he has been present himself at a great turning point in history. It is a stunning book, moving and vivid from the first page to last."--Robert A. Caro

"Utterly absorbing...If you did not have the opportunity to witness the Soviet empire in its death throes, Lenin's Tomb will take you there."--Jack F. Matlock, Jr.

From the Inside Flap

In the tradition of John Reed's classic Ten Days That Shook the World, this bestselling account of the collapse of the Soviet Union combines the global vision of the best historical scholarship with the immediacy of eyewitness journalism. "A moving illumination . . . Remnick is the witness for us all."--Wall Street Journal.

From the Back Cover

In the tradition of John Reed's classic Ten Days That Shook the World, this bestselling account of the collapse of the Soviet Union combines the global vision of the best historical scholarship with the immediacy of eyewitness journalism. "A moving illumination . . . Remnick is the witness for us all."--Wall Street Journal.

About the Author

David Remnick was a reporter for The Washington Post for ten years, including four in Moscow. He joined The New Yorker as a writer in 1992 and has been the magazine’s editor since 1998. His most recent book is The Bridge, a biography of Barack Obama. His previous book, King of the World, a biography of Muhammad Ali, was selected by Time as the top nonfiction book of the year. Lenin’s Tomb: The Last Days of the Soviet Empire won a Pulitzer Prize.

Product details

Publisher ‏ : ‎ Vintage; Reprint edition (April 26, 1994)
Language ‏ : ‎ English
Paperback ‏ : ‎ 624 pages
ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0679751254
ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0679751250
Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 1.26 pounds
Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 5.14 x 1.28 x 7.99 inches

Best Sellers Rank: #114,103 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #88 in European Politics Books
- #107 in Communism & Socialism (Books)
- #170 in Russian History (Books)

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David Remnick

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David Remnick was a reporter for The Washington Post for ten years, including four in Moscow. He joined The New Yorker in 1992 and has been the magazine's editor since 1998. His book King of the World, a biography of Ali, was picked by Time Magazine as the top nonfiction book of 1998. Lenin's Tomb received the Pulitzer Prize for nonfiction in 1994.

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Jeffrey J. Ward

A Masterpiece on the Fall of the Soviet Union that Still Resonates Today

Reviewed in the United States 🇺🇸 on April 24, 2022

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I started reading Remnick’s book after Putin’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine. The book was much recommended by everyone and I was seeing David’s frequent appearances on the responsible cable news networks and in articles in the New Yorker with his insightful comments on today’s events in Ukraine and Russia. When I realized the book was finished thirty years ago, I wondered whether it remained relevant to issues today. My conclusion is that the book is of timeless importance and should be read by any serious student of recent Russian history. Looking at today’s events and knowing the crucial part the intellectual life has played for so long in Russian society, it seems very unlikely that Putin can succeed for very long in his efforts to suppress speech and misinform with propaganda a society that has so many people in it who are highly educated, principled and among the world’s most profound thinkers. They have long, tragic memories of being lied to by Russia’s governors.

12 people found this helpful

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dmiguer

The Old Man is Down the Road

Reviewed in the United States 🇺🇸 on April 8, 2022

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“In the years after Stalin’s death, the state was an old tyrant slouched in a corner with cataracts and gallstones, muscles gone slack. He wore plastic shoes and a shiny suit that stank of sweat. He hogged all the food and fouled his pants. In the mornings his tongue was coated with the ash taste of age. He mumbled and didn’t care. His thoughts drifted like storm clouds and came clear only a few times a year to recite the old legends of Great October and the Patriotic War. The state was nearly senile but still dangerous enough. He kept the border key in his pocket and ruled every function of public life. Now and then he had fits and the world trembled. A magnificent life support system of agents, informers, police, wardens, lawyers and judges worked at his bedside to keep the old tyrant breathing.” - David Remnick, ‘Lenin’s Tomb’

************

David Remnick won the Pulitzer Prize for ‘Lenin’s Tomb’ in 1994, and became editor of the New Yorker in 1998. Prior to that he wrote as a Washington Post Moscow correspondent for four years, from 1988 through the end of the Soviet Union. He draws from interviews and personal experiences of his time in Russia, as well as historical research. The book is a journalistic account and benefits from it. Remnick begins with the 1991 exhumation of 22,000 Polish people who were murdered by Stalin’s KGB in 1940. The work is ordered to stop as a coup against parliament is staged by right wing military forces. Russians became deluged with information that had been suppressed about the Stalinist dictatorship.

Glasnost
Remnick tells of his arrival in Moscow at an apartment with bugged rooms, little heat or hot water, slush and ice eight months of the year. He has a casual voice, at times comic, which doesn’t detract from the serious issues that he covers; endless wait lists for apartments, lack of services and empty shelves. With glasnost came protests and criticism of the government, something unheard of before. People read about wars in Chechnya and Afghanistan, the literature of George Orwell, and Robert Conquest on the Great Terror and Famine. Children of Khruschev’s thaw, Politiburo members were intent to save the structure of socialism, but cheating, loafing and double dealing were endemic to the system.

Dissidents
Remnick attends meetings in 1988 of Moscow intellectuals who give speeches and debate a future society. He discusses the ‘return of history’ during Gorbachev’s tenure. Without an assessment of the past a transition to the future wouldn’t be sustainable. It was proven in Khrushchev’s 1956 reforms being reversed by Brezhnev in 1964. A historian collects the data of people who died in state custody. A filmmaker shoots a movie where a daughter digs up the dictator’s corpse who killed her father. On the 70th anniversary of the Revolution Gorbachev gives a speech denouncing Stalin for eliminating ten of thirteen original Bolshevik leaders, two thirds of the Central Committee and thousands of Red Army commanders.

Survivors
Remnick meets with the Litvinov family, whose grandfather had been a foreign minister under Stalin, and his dissident grandson. Leading a protest in Red Square against the 1968 invasion of Prague, he was exiled to Siberia for five years. In an upscale apartment block reserved for Party apparatchiks is the last member of Stalin’s inner circle. Remnick pursues an interview with Kaganovich, the People’s Commissar who had deported millions to labor camps. He was then a 96 year old blind man. Remnick’s grandparents escaped Russia on foot, fleeing from the Tsar’s pograms of Jews. When they heard he was learning Russian in high school, and planned to live in Moscow, they concluded he was out of his mind.

Terror
Remnick visits Anna Larina, the wife of Nicolai Bukharin, a General Secretary executed by Stalin in 1938. Gorbachev and others co-opted his ideas for a mixed economy and a limited pluralism as a model for perestroika reforms. She had waited decades for his rehabilitation, imprisoned as the wife of an enemy of the people. Bukharin’s confession in the 1936 show trial was an indictment of Stalin, used by Arthur Koestler in his ‘Darkness at Noon’. Anna remained in exile until the late 1950’s for refusing to denounce her husband. During 1988 Bukharin and nineteen of his ‘conspirators’ had convictions posthumously overturned. The news made world headlines, Anna emerged for interviews, publishing a memoir in 1991.

Repression
Remnick describes a play that mocked Lenin, sanctioned by the liberal faction. A controversial letter from an old Stalinist woman is circulated in papers, approved of by conservatives. Meeting her in St. Petersburg, she argues ‘If Gorbachev was alive in the 1930’s we would have put him up against a wall.’ The right wing answered criticism of Stalin with widespread attacks against Jews and the intelligentsia. In 1989 100,000 Jews emigrated to Israel and the West. Remnick meets with a physician who survived Stalin’s ‘Doctor’s Plot’. He describes his experiences from the Tsar’s time until 1989. Stalin was preparing mass deportations of Jews to labor camps when he luckily died in 1953. Nothing much had changed for the Jews.

Perestroika
Remnick follows activists for a memorial to Stalin’s victims. In the five years after 1935 twenty million were arrested; of those seven million were executed. They were supported by Andrei Sakharov, the nuclear scientist and 1975 Nobel Peace Prize winner who promoted nuclear disarmament, peace and human rights. The economy was in shambles, the Politburo divided between hardliners and reformers. At a democracy conference Boris Yeltsin called for more radical change but Gorbachev stood by his belief in socialism. Baltic movements for independence were a threat to the Soviet Union, calls for private property a betrayal of ideals. By 1990 polls showed only 20% of Russians believed socialism was still viable.

Connections
Remnick provides sketches of Gorbachev and Sakharov, meeting with their families and friends. Gorbachev came from a poor village the Caucasus, a hardworking farmer’s son and top scholar who migrated to Moscow to study law. Sakharov was the co-inventor of the nuclear bomb that first exploded in Kazakhstan in 1953, five months after Stalin’s death. Both had family connections with people who died in labor camps, and Stalin’s demise marked a turning point in their lives. Each were believers in communist doctrine who began to question Stalinism. Gorbachev released Sakharov from exile in 1986 and he returned to Moscow, resuming his dissident activities, as Gorbachev worked within the system.

Corruption
Remnick revisits the years after Khrushchev was overthrown by Brezhnev in 1964. A pervasive system of corruption took the place of ideology. From the lowest levels of industry and agriculture, kickbacks flowed all the way up to the Kremlin and Brezhnev himself. Positions in government and business were for sale at established prices and the Politburo was run like the mafia. Remnick meets Party bosses in Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan who had been ousted by Gorbachev. Yeltsin, fired from the Politburo for criticizing slow paced reforms, denounced corruption within the Party. His popular appeal sparked protests and political action groups. The rise of private enterprise was another threat to Party business.

Poverty
Remnick notes a great oil boom had kept the economy afloat until the mid ‘80s. By 1988, destitution, homelessness and decrepitude were everywhere. Before the Revolution Russia had been ranked 7th in per capita consumption, now 77th. The large majority lived below the poverty line and began to connect it with failure of the Party. Glasnost made mention of its failures permissible. In Central Asia infant death rates were as high as 1 in 10, typically underreported. Remnick visits Turkmenistan to see the conditions for himself. Even with glasnost the local Party bosses repressed free speech. Planners in Moscow had turned cotton into a monoculture, drained the Aral Sea and poisoned people with pesticides.

Elections
Remnick travels around to the first elections for Gorbachev’s new Congress in 1989, as demonstrating students in Beijing were massacred. It was still a one party system, often with one candidate in rural areas, but in Moscow and large cities democracy fever ran high. Party Congress was a two week affair, televised for the first time. Nearly everyone in Russia had state issued televisions, essential in past propaganda. A month later massive demonstrations and strikes rocked the Kremlin from Ukraine to Siberia, dispelling the illusion of a gradual revolution. Workers who had lived in desperate conditions and never dared to protest rose in hundreds of thousands, overflowing into the city squares and streets.

Dissolution
Remnick recounts rebellion of Soviet Republics from Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia to Armenia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan. Gorbachev thought that he could replace local leaders with Russians, but this only increased the calls for independence. His visit to East Berlin sparked a revolt that tore down the Wall within weeks. With Lech Walesa in Poland and Vaclav Havel in Czechoslovakia socialist states began to secede one by one. Nationalists in Ukraine’s city of Lviv promised the second largest republic of the USSR would be independent. Lenin had once written: “For us to lose the Ukraine would be to lose our head”. Ukrainian disillusionment had reached its limit in 1986 with the handling of the disaster at Chernobyl.

Collapse
Remnick relates how after receiving the Nobel Peace Prize Gorbachev began to move to the right as the KGB, police and army pressured him to end political and economic reforms. The old dictatorship and new democracy existed side by side, the danger of a military coup was imminent. Massacres in the Baltics and Caucasus destabilized the Republics. In 1991 Yeltsin was elected President. Gorbachev remained Secretary, but the right wing cabal demanded that he agree to martial law. Refusing, he was arrested, emergency declared and key institutions seized. Yeltsin barricaded Parliament and rallied a resistance. Soldiers and civilians began to ignore orders of the leaders and the putsch collapsed along with the Party.

As a journalist, Remnick’s chapters are almost like extended newspaper features or magazine articles. They could be read as stand alone pieces, although there is a common thread throughout. This could be good or bad, depending on your preferences. Some of the characters he interviews are very interesting and others less so. If you weave the people and events in this book together it is a tapestry that makes a coherent whole, but requires some effort. A criticism may be Remnick seems to include every incident from his four year stay, many that are likely outtakes from his Washington Post reports. Most of these concerns are alleviated by Remnick’s writing, which is usually very good and at times excellent.

Helpful

Gene Zafrin

Vivid account of the supremely confused time

Reviewed in the United States 🇺🇸 on March 4, 2004

Verified Purchase

The book is a compilation of short stories (each chapter a dozen pages or so) about the author's first-hand experiences in the Gorbachev's Soviet Union. From Baltic to Sakhalin and from coal miners to Gorbachev himself, from Stalin to Yeltsin and from Solzhenitsyn to Sakharov, the book paints the picture of the monolith's fall. This colorful collage describing the critical period in Russian history, combined with keen commentary, creates for the reader the distinct flavor of the time.
For Russia, it was the age of confusion and disillusionment. Gorbachev's half-hearted reforms (the interest in truth ended where the Party interests were concerned, the pursuit of democracy gave way to the pursuit of the runaway republics etc.) were matched by the half-hearted '91 coup (no real plan, no propaganda with the military, Lenin wouldn't have approved).
For generations, Russian people did not know much of the sad history of their country and less still about the life in the West. The blissful ignorance was one thing that helped them in their miserable existence. Their various degrees of belief in the grand ideals were the other. With glasnost, Gorbachev aimed at opening the gates of truth while preserving the faith. In all honesty, it was impossible: the foundation for the faith was thoroughly rotten and relaxing the state control of mass media could only reveal it. All of a sudden, millions of people had to face hard evidence showing that the glorious history of their country never was. That the Bolshevik revolution was but a ruthless coup followed by a bloody terror. That many national heroes, all the way to Lenin, were privilege- and power-hungry maniacs. The Russian people had to go (and are still going) through an incredible adjustment of their understanding of right and wrong, brought about by a mere possibility of truth in the phrase of Molotov (himself not the most impeccable politician): "Compared to Lenin Stalin was a mere lamb". Similarly, it was a hard realization for many a soviet man that in the late 80's "an average Soviet had to work 10 times longer than the average American to buy a pound of meat". The full awareness of their tragic history and miserable reality must make it so much more difficult for Russian people to live in the country which is overwhelmingly corrupt, lawless and poor.
Remnick's parents and in-laws, all four having escaped from the old empire, could not imagine going back even for a visit, apparently having no faith in the Russian democratic changeover. On the other side of the ocean, the Russian military colonel excavating the Katyn massacre site, by disobeying direct orders from a KGB general to stop the work, believed in the prevalence of positive change in Russia. Today's Russia, with its authoritarian government and shady political and legal process, still leaves its democratic future a matter of faith.
By way of some criticism, Gorbachev brought about an incredible change. His glasnost and personal presence revived the anemic (or galvanized the non-existent) political forces unheard of in a largely Brezhnev-era Russia. He fought many of the first battles alone. The book does not make a case for that. Glasnost provided food for the hungry Soviet mind, but perestroika, restructuring, was supposed to change the way Soviet people live. The book could have benefited from taking on perestroika in some detail.
Overall, very enjoyable and engaging.

82 people found this helpful

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Top reviews from other countries

Amazon Customer

Great for anyone with deep or casual interest in Soviet ...

Reviewed in the United Kingdom 🇬🇧 on January 1, 2018

Verified Purchase

This book is not just informative, it makes the story it's telling come to life. Great for anyone with deep or casual interest in Soviet history.

josephine doherty

Five Stars

Reviewed in the United Kingdom 🇬🇧 on October 20, 2017

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Great

Amazon Customer

Okayish book.

Reviewed in India 🇮🇳 on January 21, 2021

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If you are looking for a detailed account of the period leading to collapse of soviet Union as the title of the book might suggest, then you will be disappointed. Rather than a linear account, the author has divided the book into broad themes in the form of chapters. You must have some knowledge of Soviet history to be able to read the book otherwise you will spend a lot of time googling. Not recommended for a beginner.Also, the author spends too much time offering his own views and opinions rather than letting the reader form his own opinion.

Shashank

Another footpath quality pirated verson

Reviewed in India 🇮🇳 on October 4, 2019

Verified Purchase

1. Don't buy this book just because its on discount.
2. Print quality is of third grade (blur printing, cheap quality pages etc)
3. It looks like pirated version which you may get at footpath for Rs. 250- Rs. 300/-
4. Purchased this during great Indian festival sale and regretted
5. It will frustrate you more if you collect books and want to keep them for a long period.
Conclusion:- Don't buy books online from Amazon and misuse money.

One person found this helpful

Kindle Customer

straight anticomunist garbage

Reviewed in Brazil 🇧🇷 on May 24, 2022

Verified Purchase

does a drastically poor job on analysing the impact late reforms had on the very lives it wishes to portrait, focusing rather on digging up the past. even as a work of fiction is heavily biased and oblivious to soviet accomplishments and the guilt party members had on the dismantling of the economy and bloc alike. i myself am at a lost as how remnick could do such poor writing.

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