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The Less You Know, the Better You Sleep: Russia's Road to Terror and Dictatorship under Yeltsin and Putin Hardcover – May 24, 2016

4.5 out of 5 stars 252

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Once you accept that the impossible is really possible, what happens in Russia makes perfect sense
 
“A few pages into David Satter’s truly terrifying book, one realizes that his title is smack-on accurate: modern Russia is a frightening member of the world community to an extent of which most persons are blissfully unaware.”—Joseph C. Goulden,
Washington Times
 
“Satter . . . persuasively supplies evidence for his claim that a series of residential bombings in 1999 were part of an elaborate conspiracy orchestrated by Vladimir Putin, who used them as a smoke screen to invade Chechnya and catapult himself to the presidency.”—
Publisher’s Weekly
 
In December 2013, David Satter became the first American journalist to be expelled from Russia since the Cold War.
The Moscow Times said it was not surprising he was expelled, “it was surprising it took so long.” Satter is known in Russia for having written that the apartment bombings in 1999, which were blamed on Chechens and brought Putin to power, were actually carried out by the Russian FSB security police.
 
In this book, Satter tells the story of the apartment bombings and how Boris Yeltsin presided over the criminalization of Russia, why Vladimir Putin was chosen as his successor, and how Putin has suppressed all opposition while retaining the appearance of a pluralist state. As the threat represented by Russia becomes increasingly clear, Satter’s description of where Russia is and how it got there will be of vital interest to anyone concerned about the dangers facing the world today.

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Editorial Reviews

Review

“The circumstantial evidence is compelling. It is set out in David Satter’s book with concision, authority and an undertow of quiet rage.”—Giles Whittell, Times

“Satter . . . persuasively supplies evidence for his claim that a series of residential bombings in 1999 were part of an elaborate conspiracy orchestrated by Vladimir Putin, who used them as a smoke screen to invade Chechnya and catapult himself to the presidency.”—
Publisher’s Weekly

“A few pages into David Satter’s truly terrifying book, one realizes that his title is smack-on accurate: modern Russia is a frightening member of the world community to an extent of which most persons are blissfully unaware.”—Joseph C. Goulden,
Washington Times

“Thoroughly documented and written with an elegance that just manages to keep anger in check, the indictment is unsparing. Fellow-feeling for Russians and their national character runs through Satter’s book.”—David Pryce-Jones,
National Review

“Satter’s tense reporting is designed to trigger disbelief . . . The details are chilling—and impressive.“—Ron Slate,
On The Seawall

“Few Western correspondents have spent as much time in Russia as Satter has, and even fewer have chosen to focus relentlessly on the flagrant crimes and outrages committed first under the Yeltsin presidency and then During Putin’s seemingly interminable period of authoritarian rule . . . I am able to testify that Satter has gotten everything right.”—John B. Dunlop,
Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Studies

“A darkly impressive account of post-Soviet Russia, skillfully moving between detective-style close-ups of key events and sweeping analysis.”—Peter Pomeranzev, author of
Nothing is True and Everything is Possible

“David Satter blends masterful journalism and rigorous scholarship in a disturbingly illuminating book on the origins, nature and future of the Putin autocracy. Required reading for all those who refuse to indulge in wishful thinking about a rogue state claiming to be a respectable superpower.”—Vladimir Tismaneanu, author of
The Devil in History: Communism, Fascims and Some Lessons of the Twentieth Century

“This very timely new book by David Satter, one of our finest analysts of contemporary Russia, provides crucial insights into Vladimir Putin. The negligible value he and his cohorts place on human life is chillingly illustrated. Here you will find a gripping account of the deliberate lethal gassing of hundreds of innocent hostages held captive by terrorists, demonstrating that seizing and holding power by any means is Putin’s stock in trade.”—Richard V. Allen, senior fellow Hoover Institution and former national security adviser to Ronald Reagan

“Vladimir Putin’s dictatorship was enabled by those who ignored the lessons of history and the warnings of people like David Satter, who was right early and often during the fall of Russian democracy and the rise of Putin’s police state. Few can speak with so much authority and conviction on the triumphs and tragedies of modern Russia.”—Garry Kasparov, Chairman of the Human Rights Foundation, former world chess champion

“David Satter has the courage to ask what role the Russian authorities themselves had in the worst terrorist outrages there and - unlike others who did the same - has survived to tell the tale. If he is right that grand provocation had a key political role under both Yeltsin and Putin presidencies—and the evidence is persuasive—then Russia is a country from Dostoyevski’s worst dreams.
The Less You Know, the Better you Sleep is an uncompromising, cogent, disturbing account of a country whose authorities’ nihilism may yet lead it to disaster.”—Radek Sikorski, former Polish foreign minister

About the Author

David Satter, who has written about Russia for almost four decades, is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute and a fellow of the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. He divides his time between Washington, D.C., and London.

Product details

  • ASIN ‏ : ‎ 0300211422
  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ Yale University Press (May 24, 2016)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Hardcover ‏ : ‎ 240 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 9780300211429
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0300211429
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 14.4 ounces
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 5.5 x 0.88 x 8.25 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.5 out of 5 stars 252

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David Satter
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David Satter is one of the world’s leading commentators on Russia and the former Soviet Union. He is the author of four books on Russia and the creator of a documentary film on the fall of the U.S.S.R. In May, 2013, he became an adviser to the Russian Service of Radio Liberty and in September, 2013, he was accredited as a Radio Liberty correspondent in Moscow. Three months later, he was expelled from Russia becoming the first U.S. correspondent to be expelled since the Cold War.

David Satter is a fellow of the Foreign Policy Institute at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) and a senior fellow of the Hudson Institute in Washington, D.C. He is also a senior fellow of the Foreign Policy Research Institute in Philadelphia and an associate of the Henry Jackson Society in London. He has been a research fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. He teaches a course on Russian politics and history at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced Academic Programs and has been a visiting professor at the University of Illinois in Urbana-Champaign and a visiting fellow in journalism at Hillsdale College, Hillsdale, Michigan.

David Satter’s first book was Age of Delirium: the Decline and Fall of the Soviet Union, which was published in 1996. He later made a documentary film on the basis of this book which won the 2013 Van Gogh Grand Jury Prize at the Amsterdam Film Festival. In addition, David Satter has written three other books about Russia, Darkness at Dawn: the Rise of the Russian Criminal State (2003), It Was a Long Time Ago and It Never Happened Anyway: Russia and the Communist Past (2011), and The Less You Know, the Better You Sleep: Russia’s Road to Terror and Dictatorship under Yeltsin and Putin. His books have been translated into eight languages.

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4.5 out of 5 stars
4.5 out of 5
252 global ratings

Top reviews from the United States

Reviewed in the United States on February 4, 2023
"The Less You Know, the Better You Sleep" by David Satter is a powerful and eye-opening book that provides a comprehensive look at the political and social climate in Russia under President Vladimir Putin. The author expertly examines the ways in which Putin's regime has used propaganda, censorship, and repression to maintain its grip on power, even as it undermines democratic institutions and the rule of law.

One of the strongest aspects of this book is the way Satter breaks down complex ideas in a way that is easy to understand. He uses clear examples and analogies to illustrate his points, making the book accessible to readers of all ages. The author's writing is engaging and insightful, and he provides a wealth of information about the political and social situation in Russia.

The book provides a thought-provoking and sobering look at the impact of Putin's rule on ordinary Russians, including widespread corruption, economic hardship, and political repression. Satter argues that the regime's suppression of dissent has had a profound impact on Russian society, leaving many people feeling disillusioned and disempowered. This is a powerful and important message, especially for anyone who is interested in understanding the political and social climate in Russia today.

One of my favorite quotes from the book is, "A free press is essential to a functioning democracy, because it acts as a check on those in power." This quote highlights the author's view on the importance of free speech, independent media, and democratic institutions, and it underscores the need for people to be informed and engaged in order to make informed decisions.

Overall, "The Less You Know, the Better You Sleep" is a must-read for anyone who is interested in understanding the political and social climate in Russia today. It is a well-written, insightful, and encouraging book that will leave you thinking about the importance of free speech, independent media, and democratic institutions.
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Reviewed in the United States on February 28, 2023
There is much detail in this book about history that happened before and during my lifetime, details I was unaware of at the time the events were happening. Although, to be fair, it doesn't surprise me or cause a loss of sleep - we've become inured to Russian malfeasance. Good background reading on how we got to where we are.
Reviewed in the United States on July 13, 2016
“In the absence of justice,” asked Augustine in The City of God, “what is sovereignty but organized brigandage?” Organized brigandage is a good way to describe the Russian state that has emerged under the leadership of first Boris Yeltsin and now Vladimir Putin. Indeed, without mentioning Augustine, Satter describes Russian government as “banditry in the guise of a state.” The first five chapters of The Less You Know, the Better You Sleep provide the evidentiary basis for this claim.

Chapter 1 argues that Russia’s Federal Security Service—the FSB—organized the bombings of several apartment buildings in the fall of 1999 and blamed them on Chechen terrorists. This provided newly elected president Vladimir Putin justification to launch the second Russian war in Chechnya, a “patriotic” war that unified the country behind his leadership against “terrorism.” Satter’s case is circumstantial, but it is also strong.

Chapter 2 describes the “chaos and criminality” that permeated the Russian government, economy, and society during Boris Yeltsin’s tenure as president. Yeltsin had emerged as a popular reformer after the fall of the Soviet Union. The goal of his reforms was to ensure a “point of no return” for socialism. This entailed a rapid privatization of state industries and properties. Privatization sounds like a capitalist goal, but as Satter points out, “by carrying out the largest peaceful transfer of property in history without benefit of law, the reformers created the conditions for the criminalization of the whole country.” He goes on: “The new society that emerged had three outstanding characteristics: an economy dominated by a criminal oligarchy, an authoritarian political system, and, perhaps most important, a moral degradation that subverted all legal and ethical standards and made real civil society impossible.”

During the 1990s, the Russian people experienced a massive decline in wealth, health, and personal security, and their discontent endangered the Yeltsin regime. This sense of endangerment, Satter argues, explains why the FSB carried out the apartment bombings against its own people. The provocation helped focus the Russian people’s attention on an external enemy and presented the government of newly elected president Putin as their national savior. (Interestingly, one of Putin’s first acts was to grant Yeltsin, his family, and cronies immunity from prosecution.)

Chapter 3 picks up the story with the transfer of power of Yeltsin to Putin. Satter writes: “The creation and consolidation of the Putin-era system involved installing a vertical chain of command and eliminating alternative centers of power.” This “power vertical” coincided with rising Russian fortunes due to its revenue from oil and gas sales. When the economy is bad, people are more likely to pay attention to deficiencies in the regime. On the other hand, when it’s good, they’re less likely to do so. Rising wealth led many Russians to overlook Putin’s consolidation of power, or even justify it. (Interestingly, Putin’s personal wealth is estimated by some Western governments and media to approach $40 billion, carefully hidden, of course.)

Chapter 4 focuses on two hostage-taking incidents that demonstrated the “negligible value of human life” in the eyes of the Russian state. In October 2002, Chechen terrorists seized a theater in Moscow. In September 2004, they seized a school in Beslan. In both cases, they took a thousand or more hostages. And in both cases, the state responded with lethal violence, killing not only the terrorists but hundreds of the hostages too. Satter provides circumstantial evidence that “the government had a role in instigating the original attacks [of the terrorists].” Unfortunately, both hostage-taking incidents “were immensely helpful to Putin’s efforts to depict himself as a foe of terrorism and to legitimize the war in Chechnya to both Russia and the West.”

Chapter 5 deals with the Russian invasion of the Crimea and eastern Ukraine. In 2011, Putin, after a four-year hiatus as Russian prime minister, ran once again to be Russian president, successfully. Tens of thousands protested against his fraudulent election. At around the same time, Ukrainians took to the streets of Kiev to protest their own corrupt president, successfully driving him out of the country. Taking stock of what could be his fate, Putin decided to act and invaded Ukraine, conquering the Crimea and backing a faux independence movement in eastern Ukraine, where many ethnic Russians lived.

Chapter 6 turns from history to the future, asking what is Russia’s fate. Unfortunately, the answer is grim. “Russia faces a darkening future.” What is needed, Satter believes, is “a truth commission, like South Africa’s Commission on Truth and Reconciliation, that is able to examine dispassionately the crimes of postcommunist regimes and make then known to the Russian people.” Given the violence that Satter argues the Russian state has been willing so far to perpetrate against its own people to ensure its own survival, however, how likely is such a commission to come about?

The Less You Know, the Better You Sleep is a dark book, and for those raised in the West, a confounding one. How can a government be organized along the lines of such criminality? We Westerners, with our ideals of individual rights and good government have difficulty wrapping our minds around the kinds of things Satter reports. They don’t make sense to us; they’re not believable, which makes the task of understanding Russia complex.

“Understanding Russia is actually very easy,” Satter counters, “but one must teach oneself to do something that is very hard—to believe the unbelievable.” He goes on: “Once one accepts that the impossible is really possible, the degradation of the Yeltsin years and Vladimir Putin’s rise to power make perfect sense.”
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Robert B.
5.0 out of 5 stars A great book and a gripping narration
Reviewed in Canada on October 4, 2016
A great book and a gripping narration! An events based analysis of how Russia is changing the rules of engagement in the world's political spheres of influence and a peak into the geopolitical playground near future. Or how to get a power edge by strategically eliminating competition and sacrificing humble folks without remorse through lies, concealment and simulacrum.
2 people found this helpful
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Client d'Amazon
5.0 out of 5 stars C'est ça, la Russie post-communiste
Reviewed in France on November 3, 2016
J'ai été souvent en Russie (surtout Moscou), j'ai étudié le russe et j'ai toujours des contacts avec des amis russes. Je me souviens de tous ces "incidents" classés comme attaques terroristes. J'avais mes doutes comme tout un chacun. D'origine néerlandaise, je suis de près les recherches concernant l'avion abattu dans le ciel ukranien. Oui, en effet, il faut avoir peur des dirigeants russes actuels: la vie humaine, russe ou étrangère, ne compte pas pour beaucoup. Ils feront tout pour conserver le pouvoir.
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Edward Christie
5.0 out of 5 stars A compelling account of Russia's descent into dictatorship
Reviewed in Germany on July 6, 2016
This is a compelling account of Russia's descent into dictatorship, from the 1990s to the present day, highlighting, among many other issues, the long-term impacts of early developments under the Yeltsin Presidency; the impact of the wars in Chechnya; the role of terrorist attacks in 1999, 2002, and 2004 in supporting the regime; the role of organised crime and corruption; state control of the media; targeted assassinations; and electoral fraud.
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J. Rupp
4.0 out of 5 stars Denk ich an Russland in der Nacht, dann bin ich um den Schlaf gebracht
Reviewed in Germany on September 24, 2017
„A few pages into David Satter’s truly terrifying book, one realizes that his title is smack-on accurate: modern Russia is a frightening member of the world community to an extent of which most persons are blissfully unaware.“
Diese Einsicht in die Gemeingefährlichkeit des „Russischen Bären“ stammt aus der Rezension von Joseph C. Goulden, die am 08.05.2016 in der Washington Times erschienen ist. Sie verdankt sich der unermüdlichen und unerschrockenen Arbeit von David Satter, der seit langem darum bemüht ist, die Illusionen zu zerstören, die sich nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges im Westen über das postkommunistische Russland herausgebildet haben.
Moskau war und ist kein vertrauenswürdiger Partner, auf den man sich verlassen kann. Stattdessen hat man es dort mit einer politischen und wirtschaftlichen Elite zu tun, die zutiefst in kriminelle und terroristische Machenschaften verstrickt ist. In dem riesigen Land gilt das Gesetz des Stärkeren und nicht die Herrschaft des Rechts. Eine hohe Wertschätzung des Individuums, wie sie in westlichen Staaten anzutreffen ist, hat in der Russischen Föderation nie Wurzeln geschlagen.
Bereits während der Präsidentschaft von Boris Jelzin konnte von einer funktionierenden Rechtsstaatlichkeit keine Rede sein. Unter dem Titel "Russia Moves Toward a Reckoning“ führt David Pryce-Jones in seiner Besprechung des Buches dazu treffend aus:
„The world at large admired Boris Yeltsin as the hero who liberated Russians from the past. To Satter, Yeltsin on the contrary had the instincts of an unreconstructed Bolshevik. Accumulation of power was his main aim, and violence the natural means for his ends.“ (National Review, July 11, 2016)

Die neunziger Jahre waren dementsprechend eine Katastrophe für die russische Gesellschaft. Die Wirtschaftsreformen verliefen völlig chaotisch und schockartig. Dadurch schaffte es eine kleine Gruppe von Oligarchen, sich in einem ungeahnten Ausmass zu bereichern. Das volkswirtschafliche Vermögen des Landes wurde zu Schleuderpreisen an gut vernetzte Apparatschiks versteigert. Das organisierte Verbrechen blühte auf und die Korruption erreichte einen Höhepunkt nach dem anderen.
Während die Oligarchen ihren unverdienten Reichtum schamlos genossen, verschlimmerte sich die Lage für die russischen Normalbürger im Rekordtempo. Die Inflation vernichtete ihre Ersparnisse. Aus den Privatisierungen ergaben sich für sie keine finanziellen Vorteile und häufig fielen sie der Skrupellosigkeit von Berufsverbrechern zum Opfer, die ihre Unerfahrenheit mit den neuen Verhältnissen gnadenlos ausnutzten. Die moralische Unterscheidung zwischen Gut und Böse verschwand aus dem privaten und öffentlichen Bewusstsein.
Die demographische Entwicklung sah ebenfalls verheerend aus. Die Geburtenrate brach ein und die Lebenserwartung ging rapide zurück. Dafür stieg der Alkohol- und Drogenkonsum kräftig an. Gleiches galt für die Gewaltkriminalität, die zum Alltagsphänomen wurde. Im Bereich der Politik schreckten Jelzin und seine Mitstreiter auch vor dem Einsatz von Waffengewalt nicht zurück. So wurde das Militär gegen Parlamentarier und Demonstranten in Stellung gebracht, die es gewagt hatten, den Präsidenten und die Machtexzesse der Exekutive zu kritisieren.

Aber selbst der russische Präsident, dessen Gesundheitszustand sich kontinuierlich verschlechterte, konnte nicht ewig an der Macht bleiben. In den ausgehenden neunziger Jahren stellte sich deshalb die Frage, wie es nach Jelzin weitergehen würde. In dem Beitrag „How Putin Became President“, der am 19.05.2016 auf der Webseite von The American Interest veröffentlicht wurde, schrieb David Satter dazu passend:
„In the summer of 1999, the Yeltsin era was coming to an end and those at the pinnacle of power feared for their freedom and even their lives. There were the first signs of an economic recovery, but ordinary citizens were still living in poverty and waiting months to be paid. The Yeltsin entourage, which was widely hated for its role in pillaging the country, was increasingly isolated.“
Dies alles trat in den Hintergrund, als im September des Jahres in Moskau und in zwei weiteren Städten vier Apartmentgebäude in die Luft gesprengt wurden. Die Regierung beschuldigte umgehend Terroristen aus Tschetschenien, die Taten verübt zu haben. Wladimir Putin, der frisch ernannte Ministerpräsident, kündigte harte Vergeltungsschläge an. Der Zweite Tschetschenienkrieg begann und niemand sprach mehr vom permanenten Machtmissbrauch des Kreml. Dies ebnete Putin den Weg an die Spitze des Staates.
Daher ist es nicht überraschend, dass Satter in seinem Buch die Kernthese vertritt, dass sich die wahren Hintermänner der Bombenanschläge nicht in der abtrünnigen Kaukasusrepublik befanden. Für den Autor saßen diese höchstwahrscheinlich im Moskauer Zentrum der Macht, wo man am meisten von den unfassbaren Geschehnissen profitierte. Bei Satter heisst es:
„But were the bombings what they were depicted to be? In fact, the mystery of who bombed the Russian apartment houses in 1999 has not been solved to this day. And to the extent that there is evidence as to the perpetrators, it points not to Chechen terrorists but to the Kremlin leadership and the FSB.“

Unter Präsident Putin verdichtete sich dann die Machtkonzentration im Kreml noch weiter. Der Einfluss der Oligarchen wurde eingehegt. Das Parlament wurde von Parteien dominiert, die sich als verlängerter Arm des Kreml verstanden. Die Eigenständigkeit der Gouverneure wurde abgeschafft und die Massenmedien wurden gleichgeschaltet. Die Gerichte verkamen zum Erfüllungsgehilfen der Politik. Wer von nun an in Russland Geschäfte oder Karriere machen wollte, musste sich dem Machtanspruch des Kreml klar unterordnen.
Personen, die das nicht taten, lebten gefährlich. Insbesondere Journalisten, Politiker oder ehemalige Geheimdienstler, die Putin und seinem Gefolge ablehnend begegneten, wurden verfolgt und ermordet. Selbst im Ausland fanden brutale Mordanschläge statt. Offensichtlich sollten sich die Gegner von Putins Regime nirgends sicher fühlen. Satter bezeichnet diese Vorgehensweise als „selektiven Terror“.
Der menschenverachtende Charakter des Regimes zeigte sich zudem bei terroristischen Attacken, die sich im Kontext des Krieges in Tschetschenien ereigneten. So stürmten im Oktober 2002 Terroristen das Dubrowka-Theater in Moskau. Es begann eine dramatische Geiselnahme, die durch russische Spezialkräfte beendet wurde. Diese setzten ein Kampfgas ein, welches sowohl die Geiselnehmer als auch die Geiseln betäubte. Die kampfunfähigen Terroristen wurden durch gezielte Kopfschüsse getötet. Auf deren Vernehmung und Verurteilung legte man keinen Wert. Die Behörden weigerten sich außerdem, die chemischen Substanzen zu nennen, welche die Betäubungen verursacht hatten. Dadurch konnten die befreiten Geiseln nicht angemessen medizinisch behandelt werden, was zu Todesfällen und chronischen Gesundheitsschäden führte.
Noch barbarischer ging man bei der Beendigung der Geiselnahme von Beslan vor. Dort hatten Terroristen im September 2004 eine Schule besetzt, die schließlich von russischen Truppen gestürmt wurde. Ohne jede Rücksicht auf die Geiseln wurden dabei Granat- und Flammenwerfer eingesetzt. Die Angehörigen der zahlreichen Toten und die Überlebenden erhielten von der Regierung nie eine überzeugende Begründung, wie es zu einem derartigen Blutbad kommen konnte.

Putins uneingeschränkter Wille zur Macht manifestierte sich aber nicht nur in der Innenpolitik. Auch in den angrenzenden Staaten, die in der euphemistischen Terminologie der russischen Außenpolitik als „nahes Ausland“ bezeichnet werden, duldete Moskau keine abweichenden Entwicklungen, die das eigene Regime gefährdeten.
Dies galt vor allem für die Ukraine, wo eine Elite an der Macht war, die aus ihrer russophilen Haltung kein Geheimnis machte und die ansonsten damit beschäftigt war, das Land auszubeuten und sich selbst zu bereichern. Die Korruption blühte auf allen Ebenen und der Machtmissbrauch von Amtsträgern nahm erschreckende Ausmasse an. Als dann noch eine Annäherung an die Europäische Union scheiterte, kam es zwischen November 2013 und Februar 2014 zu Massenprotesten, die im Sturz der Regierung mündeten.
Damit überschritt man in Kiew eine Grenze, die den massiven Unwillen des „Russischen Bären“ hervorrief. Wenn nämlich dieser revolutionäre Umbruch erst einmal Schule machen sollte, ließe sich selbst in Moskau die Machtfrage kaum noch vermeiden. Die Reaktion des Kreml bestand in einer Destabilisierung der Ukraine, die in der Annexion der Krim und in der militärischen Unterstützung von Separatisten in den östlichen Regionen des Nachbarlandes kulminierte.
Hinzu kam eine enorme Propagandaoffensive, welche die ukrainischen Revolutionäre zu „Faschisten“ umdeutete. Deren Legitimation sollte damit untergraben werden. Gleichzeitig versuchte man die illegale Annexion der Krim durch eine Volksabstimmung zu rechtfertigen. Das Ergebnis dieser Abstimmung stand allerdings von Anfang an fest, weshalb sie von westlichen Staaten nicht als frei und fair anerkannt wurde.

Russland drohte dem Westen nun ganz offen mit einer Rückkehr zum Kalten Krieg. Die NATO wurde zum Erzfeind erklärt und Putin fachte den Nationalismus derart an, dass er zur tragenden ideologischen Säule des Regimes aufstieg. Die Zustimmungswerte für Putin und dessen Politik schnellten in die Höhe und seine wachsende Popularität schien ihn unangreifbar zu machen.
Satter weist aber darauf hin, dass man sich nicht von solchen Zustimmungswerten täuschen lassen darf. Die Stabilität des Regimes ist nicht so felsenfest, wie es auf den ersten Blick erscheint. Sollten etwa die russischen Verluste in der Ostukraine deutlich ansteigen oder es zu einem drastischen Einbruch in der Volkswirtschaft kommen, wäre es durchaus möglich, dass ein Machtwechsel im Kreml stattfindet. Ein derartiger Machtwechsel macht jedoch aus der Sicht des Autors nur dann Sinn, wenn nicht ein Genosse von einem anderen Genossen abgelöst wird, wie es bei Jelzin und Putin der Fall war.
Insgesamt gesehen ist es dem Autor gut gelungen, die politische und ökonomische Degeneration aufzuzeigen, die sich im postkommunistischen Russland herauskristallisiert hat. Dass er die Verwicklung der russischen Staatsorgane in terroristische Aktivitäten nicht vollständig dokumentieren kann, liegt in der Natur der Sache begründet. Trotz dieser Einschränkung ist seine Argumentation plausibel und nachvollziehbar. Auch ein Experte wie Marcel H. Van Herpen kommt in seiner Studie über „Putin's Wars“ zu ähnlichen Schlussfolgerungen.
In seiner Rezension von Satters Arbeit, die am 23.07.2016 in der Londoner Times erschienen ist, stellt Giles Whittell abschließend fest: „You don’t have to agree with every conclusion here to agree with the overarching one. Putin does not belong in the Kremlin. He belongs in the dock.“
Wo er recht hat, hat er recht!

Jürgen Rupp
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Dunblane1
3.0 out of 5 stars Not a weighty book - decidedly overpriced!
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on August 5, 2016
Disappointed that I learned nothing I hadn't already gleaned from new reports, books and articles on Putin's Russia and the man himself.
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