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MITI and the Japanese Miracle: The Growth of Industrial Policy, 1925-1975 1st Edition
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The focus of this book is on the Japanese economic bureaucracy, particularly on the famous Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI), as the leading state actor in the economy. Although MITI was not the only important agent affecting the economy, nor was the state as a whole always predominant, I do not want to be overly modest about the importance of this subject. The particular speed, form, and consequences of Japanese economic growth are not intelligible without reference to the contributions of MITI. Collaboration between the state and big business has long been acknowledged as the defining characteristic of the Japanese economic system, but for too long the state's role in this collaboration has been either condemned as overweening or dismissed as merely supportive, without anyone's ever analyzing the matter.
The history of MITI is central to the economic and political history of modern Japan. Equally important, however, the methods and achievements of the Japanese economic bureaucracy are central to the continuing debate between advocates of the communist-type command economies and advocates of the Western-type mixed market economies. The fully bureaucratized command economies misallocate resources and stifle initiative; in order to function at all, they must lock up their populations behind iron curtains or other more or less impermeable barriers. The mixed market economies struggle to find ways to intrude politically determined priorities into their market systems without catching a bad case of the "English disease" or being frustrated by the American-type legal sprawl. The Japanese, of course, do not have all the answers. But given the fact that virtually all solutions to any of the critical problems of the late twentieth century―energy supply, environmental protection, technological innovation, and so forth―involve an expansion of official bureaucracy, the particular Japanese priorities and procedures are instructive. At the very least they should forewarn a foreign observer that the Japanese achievements were not won without a price being paid.
- ISBN-100804712069
- ISBN-13978-0804712064
- Edition1st
- Publication dateJune 1, 1982
- LanguageEnglish
- Dimensions6 x 1.03 x 9 inches
- Print length412 pages
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"Johnson's penetrating institutional analysis―full of sideswipes against cultural explanations―stimulated generations of research into the variations among capitalist systems, in Asia and beyond."―Andrew J. Nathan, Foreign Affairs
Product details
- Publisher : Stanford University Press; 1st edition (June 1, 1982)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 412 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0804712069
- ISBN-13 : 978-0804712064
- Lexile measure : 1630L
- Item Weight : 1.23 pounds
- Dimensions : 6 x 1.03 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #679,882 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #295 in Public Affairs & Administration (Books)
- #753 in Asian Politics
- #810 in Japanese History (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Chalmers Johnson, president of the Japan Policy Research Institute, is the author of the bestselling Blowback and The Sorrows of Empire. A frequent contributor to the Los Angeles Times, the London Review of Books, and The Nation, he appeared in the 2005 prizewinning documentary film Why We Fight. He lives near San Diego.
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MITI is useful in understanding Japan's last century in that it attempts to give an unbiased, insider's view of the history of Japan's industrial boom. Johnson's central argument is that Japan owes its unprecedented and generally unexplainable (inscrutable) economic achievements to what he calls a "plan-rational system". Johnson believes that the Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) combined with Japan's "iron triangle" formed from the government, bureaucrats and heavy industry were not only interconnected but completely interdependent; working together as a single whole with only one goal: economic development.
The first chapter entitled, "The Japanese `Miracle'" serves a double purpose of showing the central argument of the text while at the same time analyzes and eventually disproves/ invalidates the four main conclusions being drawn by Johnson's contemporaries about Japan's economic boom. Here, Johnson explains the first theory, "The national-character explanation argues that the economic miracle occurred because the Japanese possess a unique, culturally derived capacity to cooperate with each other, " (8). Basically this theory is an outgrowth of typical post-war American Nihonjinron literature. This essentialist, anthropological approach merely makes generalizations about Japanese culture from America's experience with Japan during WWII. This theory relies on the assumed inscrutability of Japan. This theory is entirely devoid of the very real conscious actions taken by the Japanese government to change Japan's economy which Johnson focuses on heavily in his text.
The second and fourth approach are based on the idea that no miracle occurred. These economically based theory rely on the randomness of market forces combined with Japan's ties to America. This means that the bubble occurred merely by chance with no effort put forth by Japan, and that Japan, or any nation for that matter, has little to no actual control over the market. As with the first approach, the second and fourth both undermine the intelligence of Japan's leaders in government and business by denying them credit for strengthening their own nation.
Similarly, the third approach says that it is Japan's unique business structures that give Japan its economic edge. Johnson explains that the structures glorified in English as the "three sacred treasures" are, "the `lifetime' employment system, the seniority (nenko) wage system, and enterprise unionism, " (11). Johnson points out that the main problems with this theory are that the "three sacred treasures" are only three of many systems and structures in place that could help ensure a strong business thought these others are typically ignored by American authors. More importantly, many of these "unique" business practices were in fact started in America and Japan merely borrowed them. This theory also crumble under the fact that Japan is now suffering from a ten year recession and none of these systems have seemed to help.
Johnson explains his own theory of a plan-rational system in that, "Observers coming from market-rational systems often misunderstand the plan-rational system because they fail to appreciate that it has a political and not an economic basis... The very idea of the developmental state originated in the situational nationalism of the late industrializers, and the goals of the developmental state were invariably derived from the comparisons with external reference economies," (24). Johnson's explanation is that Japan does not follow the general rules of free market economics because, as a "late industrializer", Japan as a nation was consolidated and focused on the single goal of catching up to the West. Johnson sees Japan's economic boom in the 1980s as an outgrowth of Japan's unprecedented plan-rational system.
MITI is an important text when trying to understand Japan, Nihonjinron and America's perception of Japan during the bubble economy. The text's strength lies on the in-depth analysis and recognition of generally accepted misconceptions about Japan, Japanese culture and economy. Most Nihonjinron texts are only applicable and valid when pertaining to the era and specific situation which they are attempting to analyze. Even in the post-bubble economy of present day, MITI is still a valid text and integral in understanding the political and industrial structures in Japan that in turn shaped the culture and society over the last century and that ultimately will dictate where Japan will go in the future.




