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Madame Prosecutor: Confrontations with Humanity's Worst Criminals and the Culture of Impunity Hardcover – January 20, 2009
These tribunals have been unprecedented. They operate along the edge of the divide between national sovereignty and international responsibility, in the gray zone between the judicial and the political, a largely unexplored realm for prosecutors and judges. It is a realm whose native inhabitants–political leaders and diplomats, soldiers and spies–assume that they can commit the big crime without being held culpable. It is a realm crisscrossed by what Del Ponte calls the muro di gomma –"the wall of rubber"– a metaphor referring to the tactics government officials use to hide their unwillingness to confront the culture of impunity that has allowed persons responsible for acts of unspeakable, wholesale violence to escape accountability. Madame Prosecutor is Del Ponte's courageous and startling memoir of her eight years spent striving to serve justice.
From Publishers Weekly
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Review
"Cynics argue that because the United Nations was unable to stop the carnage in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, it set up war crimes tribunals instead, as a kind of humanitarian consolation prize.
What the diplomats did not expect was Carla Del Ponte’s determination to bring the perpetrators to justice and to end the culture of impunity. As the attorney general of Switzerland, she had fought against the muro di gomma, the wall of rubber, that deflected her attempts to stop Mafia money-laundering. “Madame Prosecutor” is her account of battling the muro di gomma across the Balkans, Rwanda and Western capitals.
It is a relentless, sometimes (understandably) angry book, and an important insider’s account of the quest for international justice."
Newsweek
"Carla Del Ponte is not the quiet type. The tenacious European prosecutor took on some of the most powerful members of the Sicilian mafia, hammering away at their now infamous "pizza connection" with Swiss bankers. As head of the international tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, she hauled Slobodan Milosevic and dozens of others into court for war crimes, and investigated acts of genocide in Rwanda. Her enemies branded her "the whore" and plotted to blow her up with bombs, prompting the Swiss government to assign her around-the-clock bodyguards, who protect her to this day. Her investigative prowess impressed former FBI director Louis Freeh—and infuriated former CIA director George Tenet, whom she badgered for assistance in tracking Milosevic's henchmen. And in her new memoir, "Madame Prosecutor," the English-language edition of which was released this month, she courts fresh controversy by charging that officials at the United Nations and NATO failed to properly investigate allegations of Albanian atrocities against Serbs in Kosovo in 1999."
ForeWord Magazine
"Madame Prosecutor is a lengthy discussion of the heinousness of crimes against humanity and a poignant plea for a better international crimi-nal justice system. Using the imperfect system now in place, Del Ponte’s efforts to bring war criminals to trial are nothing short of fascinating and heroic. Her work contributed to the indictment, arrest, or prosecution of Slobodan Milosevic and dozens more. Sudetic’s experience as a New York Times reporter and author as well as his work as an analyst for the Yugoslavia tribunal and his current position as senior writer for the Open So-ciety Institute, also inform the politics and scope of Madame Prosecutor."
Publishers Weekly
“Del Ponte, protagonist of this...hard-nosed memoir, was chief prosecutor for the U.N. International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia and Rwanda, the biggest war crimes prosecution since WWII… Her implacable quest for justice is admirable…”
Kirkus Reviews
“The chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda recounts eight years of frustration seeking justice for the victims of genocide and crimes against humanity.”
The Economist
“Crucial historical depth…is what separates [Madame Prosecutor] from the dozens of others written by the diplomats and soldiers who have tangled with the Balkans.”
The New York Review of Books
“Carla del Ponte’s recollection and defense of her controversial tenure as the chief prosecutor of the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal…mercilessly searches for historical truth...What drove [Del Ponte] with a kind of manic fury was a desire to see justice done.”
Elle Magazine
Onetime Swiss Attorney General Carla Del Ponte was chief prosecutor for the international tribunals that went after the genocidal masterminds responsible for mass violence in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. Madame Prosecutor: Confrontations With Humanity’s Worst Criminals and the Culture of Impunity (Other Press), coauthored with reporter-writer Chuck Sudetic, is her unforgettably brave story.
California Lawyer
"Del Ponte offers a highly personal story of how she took on the awesome responsibility of prosecuting war crimes."
About the Author
Carla Del Ponte was chief prosecutor of the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia from 1999 to 2007 and chief prosecutor of the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda from 1999 to 2003. Her work contributed to the indictment, arrest, or prosecution of dozens of persons accused of genocide and other war crimes, including Slobodan Milosevic, Theoneste Bagosora, and two of the world’s most-wanted men, Radovan Karadzic and General Ratko Mladic. Del Ponte has received numerous awards and honors. She is currently Switzerland’s ambassador to Argentina.
Chuck Sudetic
Co-author Chuck Sudetic reported for the New York Times from 1990 to 1995 on the breakup of Yugoslavia and the transition from communism in other Balkan countries. He is the author of Blood and Vengeance (1998), and his articles have appeared in The Economist, The Atlantic Monthly, Rolling Stone, and Mother Jones, among others. From 2001 to 2005, he worked as an analyst for the Yugoslavia Tribunal. He is now a senior writer for the Open Society Institute (Soros Foundation) and is completing a book about the Adriatic town of Dubrovnik. He resides in Paris.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
My career had begun with a long series of collisions with the muro di gomma, sometimes followed by cruder forms of resistance as well as physical threats. I had encountered, and would encounter, the muro di gomma during meetings with many powerful people, from mafia financiers to Swiss bankers and politicians, from heads of state such as George W. Bush and prime ministers like Silvio Berlusconi to bureaucrats in government offices and the various departments of the United Nations and, late in my tenure, European foreign ministers who seemed to be prepared to welcome Serbia into the European Union’s embrace even as Serbia’s political leaders, police, and army were harboring men responsible for killing thousands of prisoners in cold blood before the eyes of the world. The only way I know of breaching the muro di gomma and serving the interests of justice is by asserting my will, consistently and persistently.
´ ´
- Print length448 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherOther Press
- Publication dateJanuary 20, 2009
- Dimensions6.45 x 1.56 x 9.48 inches
- ISBN-101590513029
- ISBN-13978-1590513026
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Product details
- Publisher : Other Press; 0 edition (January 20, 2009)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 448 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1590513029
- ISBN-13 : 978-1590513026
- Item Weight : 1.6 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.45 x 1.56 x 9.48 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,245,740 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,564 in Lawyer & Judge Biographies
- #2,024 in Human Rights Law (Books)
- #2,684 in Human Rights (Books)
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As a reporter for The New York Times from 1990 to 1996, Chuck Sudetic covered the violent dismemberment of Tito’s Yugoslavia, the transition from communism in Albania, Bulgaria, and Romania, the Kurdish refugee crisis in Iraq and eastern Turkey, and crime in New York City. His first book, Blood and Vengeance (Norton, 1998, and Penguin, 1999), chronicled the experiences of two Bosnian families—one Muslim, one Serb—during the tumultuous century ending with the 1995 Srebrenica massacre and became a New York Times Notable Book and a “Book of the Year” by The Economist, the Washington Post, and Publishers Weekly. He coauthored La Caccia (Feltrinelli, 2008), the controversial memoirs of the Swiss war-crimes prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte, whose revelations led to two international investigations into kidnappings, murders, and human organ harvesting after the NATO bombing campaign against Serbia in 1999. Sudetic has written for The Economist, Atlantic Monthly, Rolling Stone, Mother Jones, Das Magazin (Zurich), Transitions (Prague), and other periodicals. He studied English, journalism, and Slavic languages at The Ohio State University, Indiana University, Cleveland State University, and Davidson College and, during 1984-1985, was a Fulbright Scholar in Yugoslavia. He has worked as an analyst for the International Crisis Group, the International Rescue Committee, and the United Nations war-crimes tribunal for Yugoslavia, and as a writer for the Open Society Foundations of George Soros, with whom he coauthored The Philanthropy of George Soros: Building Open Societies (Public Affairs, 2011). For a series of country studies prepared by the United States Library of Congress’s Federal Research Division, he wrote book chapters on the histories, economies, and societies of Hungary, Albania, Romania, and Yugoslavia. He is coauthoring a book on the military campaign that the Tuđman regime in Croatia waged between 1992 and 1994 to dismember Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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By reading Carla Del Ponte's book one understands, why the former Yugoslavia went into pieces. The (Orthodox) Serbs and their "brothers" Montenegrins considered themselves as being a super-race, as the defendant Biljana Plavsic, attempted to imply as she explained to the Attorney General Del Ponte. According to their actions, it appears that the (Catholic) Croats meant to be just the same. The development of events had (as already many times previously) confirmed that it is impossible for two super-races to exist in a peaceful coexistence indefinitely. The Muslims in Bosnia and Kosovo considered themselves being the "true believers" against the "nonbelievers", the Serbs, Montenegrins and Croats. The more remote (predominantly Catholic) Slovenes did not belong to any of these feuding groups, so we were the first ones to withdraw from the common State Yugoslavia, felt here more like a cage than as a homeland. As a result of the "ten-days-war" (in the summer 1991) when the so-called Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) attempted to impose the Serbian rule on Slovenia, the death toll in this struggle was "only" 39 JNA troops, 8 Slovenian troops and policemen, 5 civilians and 10 foreigners (journalists and truck drivers). The southernmost republic, Macedonia, withdrew from the Yugoslav turmoil in an even more fortunate way. As a result these republics were not the subject of the prosecution by the International Criminal Tribunal of the former Yugoslavia (ICTFY).
Contrary to the Slovenian "trifle", the death toll in Croatia, Bosnia & Herzegovina (B&H), and Kosovo has exceeded many thousands; roughly two millions citizens of these republics and of the district Kosovo were forced to leave their homes and run for their lives. Alone in the vicinity of the Bosnian town of Srebrenica, the Serbian military and paramilitary units systematically shot roughly 7000 civilians, mostly disarmed men, and boys. In these struggles, Serbia and Croatia attempted to take "their" part of B&H by force, horrible crimes, robberies, rapping and arsons were being committed. After three and half years, when on the 14th of December 1995, the Dayton Agreement was signed between Tudjman, Milosevic and the Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic, the hostilities ceased. But soon afterwards, the Serbs increased their ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, which was culminated in the first quarter of 1999. This aggression was stopped in the late spring the same year, after NATO planes bombed Serbia continuously for 74 days.
In order to punish this extensive ethnic cleansing and genocide, which happened in the middle of Europe of 20th century, the UN established the ICTFY in The Hague. Its task is to enforce the arrests and punish all those Serbs, Montenegrins, Croats, Bosnians and Kosovars, who committed crimes against humanity and war crimes. By pursuing these objectives, Del Ponte must visit the capitals of the former Yugoslav republics: Zagreb (Croatia), Belgrade (Serbia), Sarajevo (B&H), Pristina (Kosovo, then the district of Serbia), and Podgorica (Montenegro) to demand the charging documents and make the arrests of the culprits. The majority of these culprits include: The Croat President, Franjo Tudjman; his General, Ante Gotovina; the Bosnian Croat leader, Tihomir Blaksic; the Serbian President, Slobodan Milosevic; his General, Ratko Mladic; and the Bosnian Serbs' leader, Radovan Karadjic.
In her pursuit of the documents and culprits Del Ponte has collided with the "muro di gomma" (the rubber wall, which was the original title of her Italian manuscript) - many words and promises but few, if any deeds. Everybody was pointing to the others, who were doing them injustice, just to dilute the discussion and spend time. The opinions in the EU, UN, NATO, USA, and even at The Hague Tribunal proper were not always in favor of either of the immediate arrest of the culprits, or for a harder demand to get the relevant documents. Del Ponte describes numerous suggestions from the officials of these institutions - depending on the political climate in Russia, USA, Serbia, etc. It appears that the crimes suddenly became less important because of the immediate situations in Russia, the approaching elections in Serbia, as well as the attempts as to what the United States was just planning to do, etc... The worst examples were the Kosovars, who honor their medieval clan and tribal ties much more than the law and order of the western democracies.
In spite of these difficulties, Del Ponte may claim great success by bringing into custody the majority of the accused, even though the Serbian President, Milosevic, and the police and military leader of the Serbs in Croatia, Milan Babic, have committed suicide in the Scheveningen prison, and have avoided their verdict. (Milosevic did not take the prescribed drugs for his heart regularly, but kept accumulating them to be taken all at once, costing him his life). Two Croatian candidates for The Hague, the Defense Minister, Gojko Susak, and the President, Franjo Tudjman, died on cancer in May 1998 and December 1999 respectively, before enough evidence for their arrest has been collected; while the much sought General Ante Gotovina, eventually found his place in the Scheveningen custody. Until the end of March, 2009 (when these lines were written) the Serbian "capo dei capi", General Ratko Mladic has still "not been found", because most Serbs keep protecting their "hero", no matter what the cost. On the other hand, their leader in Bosnia, Radovan Karadjic has been arrested and sent to The Hague, after Del Ponte has completed her book.
The entire book reads like a thriller, for Del Ponte is an excellent narrator. In one part she writes of a movie, which has been shown on the court as the evidence against Milosevic, who claimed the infamous Serbian paramilitary unit, "Red Berets" had nothing in common with the massacres in Bosnia. In the first part the movie shows the aging Serbian Patriarch, Pavle, blessing this unit and their flag. In the second part, it shows four boys of Srebrenica descended from a truck, being forced to go to the edge of the mass grave, to be shot in head by the same "Red Berets". Heartbreaking evidence was narrated by a truck driver, who described how from a mass grave of the people just shot (near Srebrenica), a boy of about four years old emerged from the pile of dead, approaching the executioners. Since they had lowered their machine guns, the commander urged them to "finish" the child. However, they refused, claiming that the commander has his pistol too, so he should shoot the boy. Then the commander ordered that the child should be sent back by the truck to be "finished" with the next batch of people to come. Since the panic-stricken boy resisted entering the truck, the driver has switched on the light and radio in the cabin and in a friendly manner invited the child to come there. Eventually the child responded to this only kind soul, in that orgy of cruelty, by entering the truck's cab. He has laid his little hand into driver's palm, addressing him as "baabo" (daddy)... Despite the copious evidence of such kind and "...Away from the killing fields, many Serbs were dumbfounded at how the entire world seemed to have turned against them. Sadly, some of them, and even some of their leaders, are still lost in a miasma of self pity...(page 37)".
One outstanding feature of this book is also the correct spelling of ALL Yugoslav names, which I can not afford to type correctly on my computer keyboard (where I have the correct fonts), because of the unusual and meaningless fonts, instead of the correct ones, would appear in the amazon.com review. It seems that Times New Roman Central
Europe fonts are very unusual on the other side of the Atlantic - except for the Other Press, New York, where this book has been published.
P.S. On the page 4, Del Ponte mentions also"...the officers who ordered the deaths of those thousands of forcibly repatriated Yugoslav prisoners in 1945..." Just recently one of the nearly 600 so far discovered mass graves of those, mostly innocent people, who were killed by the Yugoslav communist troops after WWII, has been opened in the abandoned mine "Barbarin Rov" at Lasko, Slovenia. The estimated total of these victims in Slovenia is 100,000 minimum to 200,000 maximum, thus being comparable to all those killed in Bosnia, Croatia, Serbia and Kosovo when Yugoslavia felt apart. Tragically these, so far unpunished terrible crimes against humanity by some bastards, are not on the agenda of ICTFY!
In addition, Ms. Del Ponte gives the reader many interesting vignettes about the daily problems in managing a prosecutor's office, to include having attorneys with appropriate expertise from both civil and common law backgrounds, investigators with the right skill set to handle complex cases, and case management problems (e.g., witness access and protection).
Del Ponte gives a decent enough background and description of the situation in Rwanda and Yugoslavia to put the cases against the different war criminals in perspective. However, del Ponte spent most of the book describing her encounters with the muro di gomma, the rubber wall. As chief prosecutor of the ICTY and the ICTR it was her responsibility to secure continued support and cooperation from the different countries involved in establishing these two international tribunals. Yet everywhere she turns she encounters opposition against her work. Many countries promise to help capture the accused, but few follow through on those promises in a timely fashion or at all. Del Ponte creates a very clear picture of how frustrating this hostility is, but it appears to only motivate her more.
Another interesting point del Ponte makes are about the cases she would have like to have prosecuted, but was incapable of doing due to a variety of reasons. She repeatedly speaks about her desire to bring Kagame and the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) to answer for their crimes during the Rwandan genocide and the aftermath. Del Ponto also presents evidence against the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) for organ trafficking, but cannot bring them to justice either.
Overall, the book is a very interesting read. It creates a very clear image of Del Ponte's work and also the international politics that complicate the road to justice for some of worst crimes of the previous century. Having said that, the book at times deals too much with the political wrangling behind the scenes and not enough on the cases being prosecuted by the tribunals.
Top reviews from other countries
In a pretty narcistic manner, she writes more about her feelings then about the facts.
Firstly, she admits, she had no clue about Yugoslavia, as she was invited to take this position. And funny thing is, Kofi Annan should have helped her to camouflage this lack of competences.
But then, couple of pages later, she presumes to explain the reader the history of Yugoslavian conflicts within one page.
When she tries to put figures, she writes "tenth of thousands", "hundreds of thousands" - not precise enough for using in acedemic works.
Her illustration of the facts pretty much complies the picture I used to see on CNN those years - demonizing Serbs, adopting NATO bombings, etc.
If such people are in charge of justice, then one should look for it enywhere else, not in The Hague.


