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Making Hate Pay: The Corruption of the Southern Poverty Law Center Paperback – January 14, 2020
| Tyler O'Neil (Author) Find all the books, read about the author, and more. See search results for this author |
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Racial discrimination. Sexual harassment. Off-shore accounts. Inflated and biased attacks on “hate.” These are some of the many reasons Americans should mistrust the Southern Poverty Law Center.
The Southern Poverty Law Center started with noble intentions and has done much good over the years, but a pernicious corruption has undermined the organization’s original mission and contributed to a climate of fear and hostility in America. Hotels, web platforms, and credit card companies have blacklisted law-abiding Americans because the SPLC disagrees with their political views. The SPLC’s false accusations have done concrete harm, costing the organization millions in lawsuits. A deranged man even attempted to commit mass murder, having been inspired by the SPLC’s rhetoric.
How did a civil rights group dedicated to saving the innocent from the death penalty become a pernicious threat to America’s free speech culture? How did an organization dedicated to fighting poverty wind up with millions in the Cayman Islands? How did a civil rights stalwart find itself accused of racism and sexism?
Making Hate Pay tells the inside story of how the SPLC yielded to many forms of corruption, and what it means for free speech in America today. It also explains why Corporate America, Big Tech, government, and the media are wrong to take the SPLC’s disingenuous tactics at face value, and the serious damage they cause by trusting this corrupt organization.
- Print length240 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- Publication dateJanuary 14, 2020
- Dimensions6 x 0.55 x 9 inches
- ISBN-101642934399
- ISBN-13978-1642934397
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Product details
- Publisher : Bombardier Books (January 14, 2020)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 240 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1642934399
- ISBN-13 : 978-1642934397
- Item Weight : 13.6 ounces
- Dimensions : 6 x 0.55 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #389,967 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #2,181 in Discrimination & Racism
- #4,351 in Historical Study (Books)
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About the author

Senior Editor of PJ Media, Tyler O'Neil is an author and conservative commentator. He has written for numerous publications, including The Christian Post, National Review, The Washington Free Beacon, The Daily Signal, AEI's Values & Capitalism, and the Colson Center's Breakpoint. He enjoys Indian food, board games, and talking ceaselessly about politics, religion, and culture. He has appeared on Fox News' "Tucker Carlson Tonight." He is the author of Making Hate Pay: The Corruption of the Southern Poverty Law Center. Follow him on Twitter at @Tyler2ONeil.
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The Southern Poverty Law Center Hate Hoax
APR 9, 2020 8:00 AM BY ANDREW HARROD5 COMMENTS
Former Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) “staffers have admitted that the hate accusations leveled by the SPLC are a ‘con,’ a deceptive scheme to raise money,” writes PJ Media Senior Editor Tyler O’Neil. In his new book, Making Hate Pay: The Corruption of the Southern Poverty Law Center, O’Neil shreds the SPLC’s claims to be an impartial “hate arbiter” and exposes the SPLC as a corrupt, leftist smear merchant.
Established in 1971, the SPLC has established a powerful presence in media, government, and corporations, to the detriment of mainstream conservative organizations slandered by the SPLC as bigots, as O’Neil documents. News organizations such as ABC, NBC, and CNN have uncritically referenced SPLC materials, while Google CEO Sundar Pichai testified before Congress in 2019 about the SPLC as a Google “trusted flagger” of bigotry. AmazonSmile, which donates a percentage of Amazon product purchases to eligible charities, also relied upon the SPLC in 2017 to exclude groups such as the American Freedom Law Center and D. James Kennedy Ministries.
In the public sector as well, Democratic senators including Dianne Feinstein and Tim Kaine have relied upon the SPLC to oppose judicial nominations and support hate crimes legislation. Similarly, using SPLC materials, Michigan’s attorney general and Department of Civil Rights in 2019 launched a “hate crimes unit.” SPLC ideology additionally has entrée into public schools via the SPLC’s 1991-established Teaching Tolerance program.
The SPLC’s ugly reality belies this veneer of respectability. Revelations in 2019 exposed an SPLC rife with racism and sexual harassment in the organization’s Montgomery, Alabama, headquarters. One former SPLC employee described it as a “virtual buffet of injustices,” while previously, during a 1994 journalistic investigation, black SPLC employees even compared it to a “plantation.”
These scandals, which caused SPLC founder Morris Dees to resign from its leadership, were hardly unpredictable, given his character. “The SPLC’s notoriously handsome founder has married at least five women,” O’Neil notes, while documenting in lurid detail the unconstrained libido of this philanderer. Reflecting white southern racist history, this native Alabamian also initially supported segregationist Democrats in the 1950s, and even once defended a Ku Klux Klan (KKK) member in court who had beaten civil rights activists. “Dees represents the truth that people can change—and the SPLC should remember that when they destroy a person’s reputation for a previous association with a ‘hate group,’” O’Neil trenchantly observes.
The SPLC likewise reflects the business savvy of Dees, who discovered his genius for direct mail operations in mail-order businesses before applying his talents to the SPLC, explains O’Neil. Donations of $500,000 or $1 million from corporations including Apple and JP Morgan Chase, often placed in Cayman islands bank accounts, would make the SPLC “one of the wealthiest charities in the country, if not the world.” “Whether you’re selling cakes or causes, it’s all the same thing,” was Dees’ maxim.
As O’Neil shows, Dees’ junk mail pitches have suckered low-income, would-be do-gooder contributors into imagining the SPLC as a “bare-bones place” and led them to make sacrifices for the SPLC, such as foregoing a new overcoat for the cause. Meanwhile, the SPLC’s Montgomery headquarters features a monument to civil rights heroes by celebrity architect Maya Lin, with the quotation “Until justice rolls down like waters” from Martin Luther King. By contrast, cynical SPLC staffers would mock this “Poverty Palace,” saying “Until justice rolls down like dollars.” Meanwhile, one study revealed that the SPLC in the years 1984-1994 never spent more than 31 percent of revenue on programs, contrary to the 80 percent minimum set by the watchdog Charity Navigator.
The SPLC won its reputation by fighting the KKK, but O’Neil examines how the SPLC has worn out whatever laurels it once thereby deserved, as “by the 1980s, the Klan was largely a spent force.” While nationwide KKK membership dropped below 10,000, the deceptive “SPLC easily raised millions by telling liberal donors up north how dangerous the Klan was.” Yet the SPLC’s legal team in 1986 resigned en masse over Dees’ KKK “obsession,” which “idealistic lawyers saw…as a distraction from the issues they really cared about, like getting innocent people off of death row.”
Today O’Neil reveals many of the SPLC’s “hate group” listings as “hilariously sad,” including Kennesaw, Georgia’s “Wildman’s Civil War Surplus and Herb Shop,” run by an unreconstructed pro-Confederacy southerner. The SPLC also once cited Iowa’s historic town of Amana Colonies because white supremacists claimed to have held a book club in a town restaurant. The SPLC will additionally list as a separate “hate group” each organization chapter; thus the grassroots national security organization ACT for America inflates to 47 “hate groups” in the SPLC’s distorted hate group listings. Moreover, several “hate crimes” denounced by the SPLC have turned out to be hoaxes.
The SPLC’s strident leftist biases are apparent in a 2016 SPLC lawsuit against a Mississippi charter schools program (with many black student beneficiaries) as well as in extreme LGBT advocacy. The SPLC has condemned this author’s esteemed colleague Jennifer Roback Morse, president of the Ruth Institute, for defending the Catholic Church Catechism‘s teaching that homosexuality is “intrinsically disordered.” The SPLC has also blackballed as “anti-LGBT” her fellow Catholic, renowned Princeton University intellectual Robert George; O’Neil accordingly wonders whether the “SPLC should call the Catholic Church a ‘hate group.’”
Despite these travesties, the SPLC assumes an aura of authority that others dispute, including former American Civil Liberties Union director Nadine Strossen, who rejected the SPLC “hate group” label for the Alliance Defending Freedom. Facebook spokesperson Ruchika Budhraja likewise told PJ Media that Facebook does not share the SPLC’s “hate group” designations for various groups, including the Family Research Council (FRC). Perhaps if the deranged homosexual Floyd Lee Corkins II had only listened to Facebook, this domestic terrorist might not have relied upon an SPLC “hate list” to target FRC in an attempted 2012 mass shooting.
Yet the SPLC has conveniently cast aside all claims of objectivity in the face of defamation lawsuits by growing numbers of individuals and groups defending against SPLC character assassination. Once cornered in court, the SPLC suddenly claims that its “hate group” judgments are mere free speech expressions of “opinion,” devoid of any legal liability. Nonetheless, British Muslim reformer Maajid Nawaz won a $3.375 million defamation settlement from the SPLC in 2018.
To paraphrase the late Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, the SPLC can have its own shoddy opinions, but it cannot have its own facts. These “stubborn things,” as John Adams once called them, patently reveal the SPLC’s fraudulence. In ably assembling these facts, O’Neil has done valuable service for all who oppose the SPLC’s baleful influence.
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“[W]hat kind of organization can be trusted to be the arbiter of such claims?... Certainly, America’s hate arbiter should be unbiased, willing to call out hate on both sides of the political spectrum… The SPLC fails on all of these criteria, and then some. The SPLC singles out ‘hate’ on the far-right but not the far-left. It faced a very public sexual harassment and racial discrimination scandal… It has a malleable definition of hate that it applies to its political enemies… Of course, this group has free speech. The SPLC has every legal right to attack what it sees as extremism on only one side of the political spectrum. The problem is, so many Americans act as though this group is a neutral and trustworthy organization when it is not.” (Pg. 6-7)
He continues, “While the SPLC should be disqualified from the role of America’s hate arbiter, corporations, Big Tech companies, media outlets, and even some government entities have seemingly hired this corrupt organization for that position… effectively blacklisting people, and peaceful organizations, for their political views… I refuse to hire this extremely corrupt organization for the position of America’s hate arbiter, and so should you… it has abused the trust of gullible donors, media outlets, companies, and states to enrich itself and attack its enemies.” (Pg. 7-8)
Former SPLC employee Bob Moser “described a key shift in the 1980s, when the group began to focus its efforts on fighting the Ku Klux Klan. While a terrifying force in the 1920s and a strong one in the 1960s, the KKK was a spent force by the 1980s, and the SPLC enjoyed easy legal success against America’s most notorious hate group… idealistic lawyers saw that work as a distraction from the issues they really card about, like getting innocent people off of death row. In fact, the entire legal team besides Dee himself quit in protest, claiming the SPLC had lost its way. The group had exchanged scrappy legal cases helping blacks and poor people for a high-profile campaign against ‘hate’---and that campaign kept expanding.” (Pg. 19)
He points out, “The SPLC’s notoriously handsome founder [Morris Dees] has married at least five women. In one scandalous divorce trial he admitted to sleeping with many women, some of whom were coworkers at the SPLC… Dees seems to have seduced women he met at work, and it wrecked his marriages… The man founded a civil rights organization that did incredible good. But he also had long-standing weaknesses that help put the recent scandal in perspective.” (Pg. 24)
He observes, “When a nonprofit organization is comfortable, it may be natural to expand. But this moment arguably helps explain how the scrappy [SPLC] launched itself on a trajectory to a half-a-billion-dollar endowment, $92 million in overseas equity funds, and millions in Cayman Islands accounts.” (Pg. 44)
He explains, “By the end of the 1980s, Dees knew the KKK jig was up. The SPLC … needed a new host of current villains… The eventual ‘hate group’ list essentially manufactured hate, listing defunct organizations that extremist experts say didn’t exist. According to ‘The Outline,’ the Klanwatch project morphed into the ‘hate group’ list… The shift from Klan-specific monitoring to the vaguer ‘hate’ mission seems to have centered on reporting hate crimes.” (Pg. 75)
He recounts, “The SPLC published a ‘history of the anti-gay movement since 1977’ with the description, ‘Read a timeline of the radical right’s thirty-year crusade against homosexuality.’ … The SPLC’s anti-gay timeline went on to mention Promise Keepers [PK]… The SPLC … quoted [PK] founder Bill McCartney’s declaration that ‘homosexuality is an abomination of Almighty God.’ This declaration, while strongly worded, is hardly unique in the Christian tradition that has long held that position as clearly biblical… This ‘history of the anti-gay movement’ illustrates a deceptive strategy of connecting conservative groups with violence, a strategy that would make the SPLC as notorious on the right as it is on the left.” (Pg. 86)
He continues, “The very idea that Christians could be demonized and could face animus and hatred like Muslims, black people, LGBT people, and other minority groups may strike many Americans as suspect, but … animus against conservative Christians… holds surprising sway in America and the West generally…” (Pg. 95) He adds, “The SPLC faulted many ‘anti-gay’ groups for claiming that there is a link between homosexuality and pedophilia… and that homosexuality is unhealthy---that homosexuals live shorter lives. These ideas may be wrong, but they are not enough to prove that an organization is a ‘hate group’ … The SPLC moved incrementally into more outright demonization of Christian doctrine and conservative activism.” (Pg. 100-101) Later, he suggests, “If this claim is enough to make an organization a ‘hate group,’ then the SPLC should call the Catholic Church a ‘hate group.’ Otherwise, it is being intellectually dishonest.” (Pg. 108)
He contends, “the SPLC seems to consider Muslims an oppressed minority who therefore cannot be culpable in horrific acts like funding terrorism, or harboring anti-Semitism. Many Muslims do desire peace and freedom, but many of those reformers partner with organizations the SPLC considers ‘anti-Muslim hate groups.’ In an attempt to defend Muslims, the SPLC marginalizes anti-terror Muslim reformers.” (Pg. 113)
About Confederate monuments and the Confederate flag, he says, “The SPLC is right on the history of the Confederacy and on the fact that many of these monuments were erected during Jim Crow. But its insistence on removing them is not popular… But the SPLC is committed to the anti-monument crusade. In June 2018, it found out that 110 of the Confederate symbols had been removed, but 1,728 still stood. Yet by that time, the outrage over these monuments seemed to have dissipated, no thanks to the SPLC.” (Pg. 148-149)
He notes, “The white nationalist riots in Charlottesville seem to have supercharged the SPLC’s blacklisting power. While the organization once worked with law enforcement and the FBI, it had little cultural power beyond getting northern liberals to open their pocketbooks… but in recent years the SPLC’s blacklisting power has made impressive strides in big business. Big Tech, and the Democratic Party… its blacklisting operation had some notable victories before the riots---and its influence continued long after the immediate outrage subsided.” (Pg. 153) Later, he adds, ‘Conservative Christian nonprofits have been booted of Amazon Smile for being on the list. Some people have lost their credit card accounts for being on the list.” (Pg. 197)
He asserts, “the SPLC author engaged in guilt by association to tar critics as in league with white supremacists… any opposition to the SPLC’s narrative is a sign of intolerance and hidden white supremacy. This goes to dhow just how far the organization has drifted in its mission creep. This kind of guilt-by-association tactic has not gone unanswered, however. Many of the organizations falsely branded ‘hate groups’ are fighting back with defamation lawsuits and public-pressure campaigns.” (Pg. 192)
He concludes, “The Southern Poverty Law Center is a corrupt organization that arguably does more harm than good… The SPLC still offers legal representation to people who need it… Yet the vast majority of the SPLC’s public presence and its fund-raising apparatus is tied up with a deceptive, inflated, and arguably defamatory ‘hate group’ list that uses guilt by association to target conservative and Christian organizations, lacing them alongside the Ku Klux Klan… I have worked with and enjoyed the company of employees and leaders of many unjustly accused ‘hate groups’… These people and the organizations they lead do not inspire ‘hate’ as their central purpose, and they treat their ideological opponents with respect.” (Pg. 230-231)
This book will be “must reading” for anyone seeking a critique of the SPLC; but the author’s pro-Christian perspective will cause some others to view the book as unduly slanted.




