
Master of the Senate: The Years of Lyndon Johnson III
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Caro demonstrates how Johnson's political genius enabled him to reconcile the unreconcilable: to retain the support of the southerners who controlled the Senate while earning the trust - or at least the cooperation - of the liberals, led by Paul Douglas and Hubert Humphrey, without whom he could not achieve his goal of winning the presidency. And we hear him achieve the impossible: convincing southerners that although he was firmly in their camp as the anointed successor to their leader, Richard Russell, it was essential that they allow him to make some progress toward civil rights.
Robert A. Caro has won the Pulitzer Prize for Biography, as well as two National Book Critics Circle Awards and other honors. Master of the Senate is told with an abundance of rich detail that could only have come from Caro's peerless research.
- Listening Length8 hours and 33 minutes
- Audible release dateApril 19, 2002
- LanguageEnglish
- ASINB000066IHH
- VersionAbridged
- Program TypeAudiobook

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Product details
Listening Length | 8 hours and 33 minutes |
---|---|
Author | Robert A. Caro |
Narrator | Stephen Lang |
Audible.com Release Date | April 19, 2002 |
Publisher | Random House Audio |
Program Type | Audiobook |
Version | Abridged |
Language | English |
ASIN | B000066IHH |
Best Sellers Rank | #31,788 in Audible Books & Originals (See Top 100 in Audible Books & Originals) #96 in Political Science History & Theory #127 in Biographies of Presidents & Heads of State (Audible Books & Originals) #172 in Historical Biographies (Audible Books & Originals) |
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When viewing these volumes, it's quite easy to become intimidated by the shear volume of these books, and to immediately turn away towards lighter reading. These volumes average about 800 pages (this one is over 1,000) and the pages are dense with information. Fortunately, the writing is first class, and despite the time and effort in reading such burly volumes, the reader rarely gets bored. The books are simply chocked full of wonderful information.
Caro's first volume deals with LBJ's birth through his election to the House of Representatives in 1942. The second one leads up to his victory (although the election was blatantly stolen) to the Senate in 1950, and this one details his life a senator during the decade of the fifties until his vice-presidential nomination in 1960. The description in the title "Master" is no misnomer. The man was clearly a dominate force during his years as leader of the Senate and, as this book describes in detail, had just sort of personality that managed to radically shake up (for the better) the legislative branch of the U.S. government.
Throughout all of Caro's volumes, he paints a very fair picture of the (then) future president. He doesn't regard him as a saint nor a god, yet he isn't a hater of the man, and there's no blatant vitriol towards the man. LBJ comes across as someone with many strengths and many weaknesses just like everyone else, and with the extensive research, we see broad examples of both. One thing Johnson was addicted to was a lust for immense power (2 of the 4 volumes have the word "power" in the title), and being as smart as he was, he knew how to yield it to get what he wanted, and to get it quickly.
It's obvious from early on in the first volume, that Johnson's ultimate quest is no less than President of the United States. Everything he does in his whole life is simply a stepping stone to reach that goal. Including being the most powerful man in the Senate. The fact that LBJ radically changed the way the Senate operated is detailed exclusively. Up until Johnson's time, the U.S. Senate had been mainly a place for complacent "old bulls" to retain their status quo, and were never concerned much with helping the ordinary citizen, especially if it meant radically sacrificing their social status. The U.S. Senate was basically a fraternity, and until the man (and yes, it was only men - only white men at that time remember) had seniority, he was expected to sit quietly and be submissive to the elder members. Caro even spends the first 100 pages or so of this volume detailing a brief history of the Senate - back to the founding fathers, to illustrate this point. Some readers have found that too much of a distraction, but it helps clearly illustrated just how the environment had been for close to 200 years.
This isn't to say LBJ was a saint who was a crusader for the common man. No, he understood politics, and knew what was necessary to retain support from the rich boys and stay in office. Sadly, just like now, retaining one's title as "Senator" was still the main focus, and every bit of legislation was looked at as how it would effect the Senator before how it would affect the constituents back home. Nowhere is this illustrated more clearly than the Civil Rights issues that were predominantly being talked about during the 1950s. In fact, about half of this book is devoted the details surrounding Civil Rights, and this is the only area where Caro gets a bit bogged down in his details when he describes, in too meticulous detail, every single vote, every single action, and every single interaction between the key players during this time.
Although Lyndon Johnson is the President mostly noted for advancing Civll Rights once be became president, we have to really wonder just how committed he was to the cause. Was he truly trying to stand up for those who were worse off due to the color of their skin? Or was he just trying to move his own career as much and as far as possible? After reading the third installment of the Caro books, you have to honestly believe that it really was a bit of both. Sadly, the book goes into a lot of detail about how difficult such legislation would be to pass in the deep segregated South of only fifty years ago. Even if Johnson really was passionate about the cause, there were too many old white men in office who worked diligently to keep the races segregated.
To sum up what the book illustrates in several hundred pages, Johnson realizes that if he's ever going to be President, he needs to pass a Civil Rights bill in the Senate. With all of the animosity and wheeling and dealing, he does manage to pass such a bill in 1957, yet it's so watered down and inconsequential, that those who knew better (i.e. key members of the NAACP) realized that it was all fluff and no substance so they were actually repulsed by such an "equality" bill. Then, of course, the deep south were also aggravated since many of their voters were appalled by the thought of such a simple gesture. So all of this to say that LBJ had a lot of "politicking" to do, and as the book details, he did it quite well.
One of the best things about Caro's writing (although there are a few who think exactly the opposite), is that before he introduces key people who would play a part in Lyndon Johnson's life, he would devote entire chapters to the individuals. He wants the reader to feel they really understand these individuals in as much detail as possible. There are times when you forget you're reading about Johnson since you become so immersed in page after page of these other individuals. Yet Caro's attention to detail never loses the reader, and you end up being glad that he goes off on these tangents even though they briefly take us away from the main character. I confess I had never heard of people such as Leland Olds or Dick Russell before I read this book, and yet I feel incredibly enriched now that I do. There are also other key players that I may have briefly heard of before, such as Hubert Humphrey or John Connally, that my appetite has now been sufficiently whetted to where I can't wait to learn more about some of history's key figures.
Another consideration, which could be could considered either an asset or a liability, is that Caro makes an effort to have these different volumes "stand alone". In other words, you don't necessarily need to read the volumes together nor in sequential order. To accomplish this, he'll sometimes repeat the same details from book to book. So whereas he might devote 30-45 pages in the first volume detailing how LBJ brought electricity to the rural hill country of Texas in the 1930's, he'll repeat the same details here albeit limiting the page space to only 2 or 3. Therefore, if you do read these books sequentially, it's easy to fall into the trap of feeling the author is being a bit repetitive. Then, though, we must remember that, as stated before, these books were released about a decade apart, so perhaps a brief refresher is also in order for those who have been away from the story for a bit.
The fourth volume (which I'm currently reading as I write this) was released a full ten years after this one (released in 2012), and although devotees were hoping Robert Caro would finish up the story in this fourth release, the author doesn't even come close. The fourth volume concludes (I'm told) shortly after LBJ assumes the presidency. The fifth volume (which he's currently working on) will detail the mean years of the presidency including Viet Nam. We can hope that that one will be the last. Truth be told, though, these books are so engrossing, that I wouldn't mind several more volumes. Time, though, would seem to prevent that as the author, who started writing this in his forties, his now entering his seventh decade.
A quick note on some small matters of detail: on page 1027, Caro, writing about the launch of the first satellite, Sputnik, by the USSR, writes: "The launchings showed that the Russians had indeed developed rockets with more thrust than America's, but it was not thrust but rather the rocket's accuracy and the destructive power of the nuclear warheads they carried that would count in war." Well, the last bit, to me doesn't make sense: the destructive power of a nuclear warhead (especially in those early days) depended on the amount of fissile material it carried, and whether it was a fission (A) or fission-fusion (H) device, meaning the total energy of the explosion does ultimately hinge on how much uranium and plutonium is in the device, and YES, this means thrust does matter, because the more your rocket can lift, the bigger, or the more numerous, your warheads can be. On the same page, Caro also writes: "Quite sure of these facts (the USA's nuclear weapon superiority vis a vis the USSR) in part because of amazingly detailed photographic evidence from U-2s, supersonic reconnaissance aircraft that overflew the USSR at heights of up to 15,000 feet (sic)." This couldn't be a simple typo, inverting 15,000, rather than 51,000, it seems to be just plain bad proofreading or 'proof thinking', because military aircraft were already reaching heights in excess of 20,000 during the later stages of the 1914-1918 war. And finally: based on the copious, copious anecdotes--many of them not from enemies of LBJ, but his friends and associates-- in this book, and in Means of Ascent, there can be little doubt that Lyndon Baines Johnson would have been perfectly capable of crimes, and even of being associated in a murder, if such crime(s) would have brought him the power he desired above ALL else, so yes, LBJ, judging from Caro's very thorough character study, could have been a party to a plot to assassinate JFK. I am not saying that LBJ was complicit in such a conspiracy, just that it appears that he would have been morally capable of it.
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But two particular points may be worth highlighting for anyone else interested in politics who hasn't yet read it, and is perhaps even put off by the thought of finding the time for its 1,000 plus pages.
One is that this volume isn't simply a biography of a slice of Lyndon Johnson's career, it's also a scintillating history of the US Senate and the way in which power and formal political rules interact. Included in that is a warning of the fallibility of long-term political forecasts with its account of the years when it looked like the Republicans could become the political voice of the African American community propelled in no small part by Richard Nixon.
The second is that an audio version is available - suitable, for example, for listening to when out delivering contemporary political leaflets. Not just available but brilliantly narrated by Grover Gardner. Both author and narrator are lucky to have the other as such a skilled part-creator of the audio book.

At 1040 pages, the book is very long indeed. It covers the history of the Senate itself (its role to moderate both the President/Executive and the potential populism of the House of Representatives; its great moments - and its failures in the past) as well as the years from 1950 when Johnson was a senator. Much of the final section of the book also covers at some length the civil rights movement of the 1950s before launching into Johnson's extremely determine and creative handling of it in the Senate in 1957. There is also drama, with Johnson's heart attack and his response to it. And deep analysis of Johnson's character - sympathy for the underdog yes, but always subordinate to the quest for power. We get a very clear sense both of the great good Johnson could do in the world; and of the harm.
Having now read all four volumes of this biography to appear to date, I cannot wait for volume 5!

In the end, LBJ emerges as a bigger than life figure, a political genius, with genuine sense of Compassion and with immense Ambition. As Caro sums it up, if and when the two came into conflict Ambition won. This is truly one of the best books on USA politics.

