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Medical Apartheid: The Dark History of Medical Experimentation on Black Americans from Colonial Times to the Present Paperback – Illustrated, January 8, 2008
| Harriet A. Washington (Author) Find all the books, read about the author, and more. See search results for this author |
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"[Washington] has unearthed a shocking amount of information and shaped it into a riveting, carefully documented book." —New York Times
From the era of slavery to the present day, starting with the earliest encounters between Black Americans and Western medical researchers and the racist pseudoscience that resulted, Medical Apartheid details the ways both slaves and freedmen were used in hospitals for experiments conducted without their knowledge—a tradition that continues today within some black populations.
It reveals how Blacks have historically been prey to grave-robbing as well as unauthorized autopsies and dissections. Moving into the twentieth century, it shows how the pseudoscience of eugenics and social Darwinism was used to justify experimental exploitation and shoddy medical treatment of Blacks. Shocking new details about the government’s notorious Tuskegee experiment are revealed, as are similar, less-well-known medical atrocities conducted by the government, the armed forces, prisons, and private institutions.
The product of years of prodigious research into medical journals and experimental reports long undisturbed, Medical Apartheid reveals the hidden underbelly of scientific research and makes possible, for the first time, an understanding of the roots of the African American health deficit. At last, it provides the fullest possible context for comprehending the behavioral fallout that has caused Black Americans to view researchers—and indeed the whole medical establishment—with such deep distrust.
- Print length528 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherAnchor
- Publication dateJanuary 8, 2008
- Dimensions5.5 x 1.05 x 8.25 inches
- ISBN-10076791547X
- ISBN-13978-0767915472
- Lexile measure1400L
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"[Washington] has unearthed a shocking amount of information and shaped it into a riveting, carefully documented book." —New York Times
“This groundbreaking study documents that the infamous Tuskegee experiment, in which black syphilitic men were studied but not treated, was simply the most publicized in a long, and continuing, history of the American medical establishment using African Americans as unwitting or unwilling human guinea pigs . . . Washington is a great storyteller, and in addition to giving us an abundance of information on ‘scientific racism,’ the book, even at its most disturbing, is compulsively readable. It covers a wide range of topics—the history of hospitals not charging black patients so that, after death, their bodies could be used for anatomy classes; the exhaustive research done on black prisoners throughout the 20th century—and paints a powerful and disturbing portrait of medicine, race, sex, and the abuse of power.” —Publishers Weekly (starred review)
“Medical ethicist and journalist Washington details the abusive medical practices to which African Americans have been subjected.
“She begins her shocking history in the colonial period, when owners would hire out or sell slaves to physicians for use as guinea pigs in medical experiments. Into the 19th century, black cadavers were routinely exploited for profit by whites who shipped them to medical schools for dissection and to museums and traveling shows for casual public display. The most notorious case here may be the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, in which about 600 syphilitic men were left untreated by the U.S. Public Health Service so it could study the progression of the disease, but Washington asserts that it was the forerunner to a host of similar medical abuses . . . African American skepticism about the medical establishment and reluctance to participate in medical research is an unfortunate result. One of her goals in writing this book, aside from documenting a shameful past, is to convince them that they must participate actively in therapeutic medical research, especially in areas that most affect their community’s health, while remaining ever alert to possible abuses.
“Sweeping and powerful.” —Kirkus Reviews (starred review)
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
SOUTHERN DISCOMFORT
Medical Exploitation on the Plantation
Celia’s child, about four months old, died last Saturday the 12th. This is two negroes and three horses I have lost this year. –DAVID GAVIN, 1855
Frederick Gardiner, a peripatetic Mormon physician, left among his travel memoirs an impression of the nineteenth–century slave markets of Washington, D.C.:
There are a great number of Negroes, nearly all of whom are Slaves. And on different Streets are large halls occupied as Marts or stores, for the sale or purchase of Slaves. . . While I have been looking at one of these places on Gravier Street, Two Gentlemen have arrived, one of whom I have Seen in the Saloon, he is a young Planter and come to purchase a girl to take care of his children, or whatever duties he may think proper to impose upon her. The other person is a Doctor whom he has brought with him for the purpose of examining her. They pass along the front of the row in company with the agent or Salesman. As they move forward One is called upon to stand up, then another while a passive examination is made. Then finally he discovers a bright mulatto, who appears about 16 years of age and is quite good looking. She is ushered into a private room where she is stripped to a nude condition and a careful examination is made of all parts of the body by the Dr. and is pronounced by him to be sound. The money is then paid and she is transferred to her new owner…I have heard that the Masters beat and scourge them most cruelly. But I have not seen anything of the kind, nor do I believe that it occurs very often. For the southern people as a class are Noble minded kind hearted people, as can be found in any country…And moreover it would be against their own interests, to brutally treat their Slaves. As no planter desired to have sick negroes on his hands. According to my judgment so far as my experience extends, I believe that the Negroes as a class, are far more humanely treated and taken care of, Than are the laboring classes of European countries (1).
Enslavement could not have existed and certainly could not have persisted without medical science. However, physicians were also dependent upon slavery, both for economic security and for the enslaved “clinical material” that fed the American medical research and medical training that bolstered physicians’ professional advancement. Gardiner’s vignette suggests the integral role of medicine in enslavement and repeats a key belief—that slave owners and physicians shared an interest in preserving the slave’s health, “as no planter desired to have sick negroes on his hands.” But although medicine was essential to enslavement, the apparent solicitude for the health of slaves was not all it seemed. Rather, the medical interests of the slave were often diametrically opposed to the interests of his owner and of American physicians. From the first, antagonism reigned between African Americans and their physicians.
Between the seventeenth–century advent of African settlers to North America and the end of the nineteenth century, the slave and the physician shared an unrecognizably primitive medical world. The “germ theory” that revealed the microbial nature of much disease and led to the first grand waves of disease cures was still well in the future: The existence of pathogens (2) such as bacteria, viruses, and fungi was unsuspected. Almost no effective treatments existed for prevalent diseases until the eighteenth century. Until the late 1830s, the lack of effective anesthesia made the few common surgical procedures horribly painful and all others impossible.
Between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, medicine in the United States reflected a narrowly limited understanding of disease and a rather cursory training of medical practitioners. Public–health institutions were few, feeble, and ephemeral, rising momentarily with epidemics of yellow fever or smallpox and subsiding from neglect after the crisis resolved. Even the simplest public–health measures—hand washing and antiseptic techniques, clean water, sound, pathogen–free housing, an untainted food supply, sewage management, and quantitative disease reporting were all in the future. Because there were only a few effective disease therapies and no antibiotics, epidemics of yellow fever, malaria, tuberculosis, and other infectious diseases frequently raged unchecked. In the early 1700s, this mirrored the situation in England and the rest of Europe, but medicine on the Continent began to undergo modernizing changes, although these were very slow to cross the Atlantic. Europe began to embrace public–health measures and medical advances such as widespread vaccination, scientific medical education, and the rise of the hospital, but American progress lagged behind, especially in the insular South.
The point of this chapter’s unflattering précis of nascent American medicine is not to castigate it for its primitivism, but to put blacks’ historical aversion to medical care into context, for most antebellum blacks were subjected to southern medicine.
The South was a particularly unhealthy region and was home to 90 percent of American blacks, the majority of whom were enslaved until 1865. The first blacks arrived in the colonies in 1619, and by 1700 there were only about 20,000 blacks. But as the slave trade flourished, 20,000 more blacks arrived each year. Although 30 percent of transported slaves died in the nightmare of the Middle Passage, there were 550,000 chattel slaves in the United States by 1776, when blacks constituted 20 percent of the U.S. population. By 1807, slave importation was legally prohibited throughout the country, and by 1860, the nation’s four million enslaved blacks had a value equivalent to four billion dollars today. In some states, the black population completely comprised slaves: Alabama, for example, forbade the presence of free blacks.
The South was the nadir of the American medical experience, visited by a deadly triple confluence—the pathogens of North America, Europe, and Africa. This unholy trinity yielded a bewildering array of unfamiliar infectious diseases, such as hookworm, types of malaria, and yellow fever, incubated by a subtropical climate that was hospitable year–round to pathogens that could not thrive in the colder North. Even familiar European illnesses flared anew in strangely virulent forms, abetted by the hot, marshy climate, poor sanitation, and a public–health vacuum. Although the South harbored a highly visible affluent class, the region’s relative poverty led to a dearth of medical care and a host of unrecognized nutritional–deficiency diseases. So did enslavement.
A dramatically misunderstood set of disease etiologies led to the adoption of heroic remedies calculated to kill or cure. Through the eighteenth century, Western medicine was not only misinformed but dangerously so. Caustic medicines of the period often contained metabolic poisons such as arsenic, or calomel, (3) a compound of mercury and chlorine that was used as a purgative. Many other remedies contained highly toxic substances such as mercury and addictive Schedule II narcotics, including the opiates laudanum, (4) opium, and morphine, as well as cocaine derivatives. These medicines addicted, sickened, or killed outright; they also could trigger chemical pneumonitis, or progressive lung injury, if inhaled during a bout of iatrogenic, or physician–triggered, vomiting. No studies seem to have been done on this point, but such lung injuries may have helped to account for slaves’ higher death rate from respiratory disease.
Induced vomiting was an everyday event because the common denominator of medical techniques in this period was the violent release of bodily fluids. Copious bleeding, blistering, and the induction of violent diarrhea were standard therapies. Harsh laxatives or “draughts” such as calomel or jalap (5) produced copious diarrhea, which leached nutrients, water, and electrolytes from the body. They also invited painful bedsores, which were open to infection unchallenged by antibiotics. These crude therapies were not only unpleasant but debilitating to ill persons and even to the strong and healthy. Arsenic, for example, produced not only the intended vomiting and diarrhea but also a wide range of other problems, including fainting, heart disease, disorders of the nervous system, gangrene, and cancers (6). Mercury’s very serious effects included injury to the nervous system, profound mental deficits, hair and tooth loss, kidney and heart disease, lung injury, and respiratory distress. Mercury crossed the placental barrier and concentrated in breast milk, contributing to the high black infant–death and birth–defect rates (7).
Such ministrations were often fatal. The 1799 death of George Washington, hastened by a copious bloodletting the debilitated former president could ill afford, is perhaps the best–known example of a patient finished off by the misguided heroics of eighteenth–century medicine. However, whites of the slave–owning class enjoyed better initial health, better nutrition, and less exposure to environmental pathogens and parasites than did enslaved blacks. Slave owners did not suffer from overwork and exposure, so they were better able than slaves to withstand the rigors of bloodletting. Sensing this, many physicians and scientists discouraged bloodletting for slaves. Thomas Jefferson, statesman and amateur physician–scientist, wrote unequivocally, “Never bleed a negro.” (8) But in their everyday practices, physicians didn’t listen. Dr. Lunsford Yandell wrote, “On March 16, 1833 I was called before sunrise to visit a Negro woman. I took from her twelve ounces of blood…I waited about fifteen minutes when she had a severe convulsion.” (9) Such techniques as cupping (the use of heated glass jars to create a partial vacuum that drew blood upward to the skin’s surface or through an incision in the skin) and trephination (the therapeutic drilling of holes in the skull) were risky for pampered, well–nourished adults living in relatively healthy environments. But they were fatal attentions for sickly, undernourished, and exhausted slaves and for their children, who were at even higher risk of succumbing to anemia or dehydration.
Enslaved African Americans were more vulnerable than whites to respiratory infections, thanks to poorly constructed slave shacks that admitted winter cold and summer heat. Slaves’ immune systems were unfamiliar with, or naïve to, microbes that caused various pneumonias and tuberculosis. Parasitic infections and abysmal nutrition also undermined blacks’ immunological rigor. Before antibiotics and sterile technique, surgery was an often-fatal affair. Unaware of the connection between bacteria and infection, surgeons operated in their street clothes and with dirty hands in filthy environments, such as the shacks that served as “slave hospitals.” Even minor incisions or injuries could proceed to life threatening infections with frightening rapidity.
Southern medicine of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was harsh, ineffective, and experimental by nature. Physicians’ memoirs, medical journals, and planters’ records all reveal that enslaved black Americans bore the worst abuses of these crudely empirical practices, which countenanced a hazardous degree of ad hoc experimentation in medications, dosages, and even spontaneous surgical experiments in the daily practice among slaves.
Physicians were active participants in the exploitation of African American bodies. The records reveal that slaves were both medically neglected and abused because they were powerless and legally invisible; the courts were almost completely uninterested in the safety and health rights of the enslaved (10). The practice of hiring slaves out further endangered enslaved workers by removing much of an employer’s incentive to keep the slave healthy and safe. Some humane plantation owners were careful to choose less risky work venues, but a great danger of slave death or disability was inherent in some forms of mining, tobacco production, rice farming, and most plantation work. In these settings, the slave’s possible death became part of his owner’s commercial calculations. Ominously for blacks, the owners, not the enslaved workers, determined safety and rationed medical care, deciding when and what type of care was to be given. Because professional attention was expensive, most owners dosed their own slaves as long as they could before calling in physicians, who usually saw slaves only in extremis, as a last resort. In clinical notes, medical journals, and memoirs, physicians consistently decried the planters’ tendency to rely upon the cheaper ministrations of overseers, slaves, and mistresses in order to save expense. Physicians’ records also expressed disgust at the conditions in which enslaved workers were kept. Historian Richard Shryock observed in 1936: “Of all critics, the Southern physician was perhaps in the best position to report on the physical and moral treatment of the slaves. When he stated, as he sometimes did, that Negroes were overworked and underfed, he can hardly be suspected of antislavery bias since he was the friend of the planter who employed him. As a matter of fact, he usually approved of the institution.” (11) Planters’ own records and slave narratives corroborate physicians’ complaints that planters provided professional medical care only when they deemed it necessary to save the slave’s life—often too late.
Owners also restricted access to medical care by routinely accusing sick blacks of malingering. Slave narratives and planters’ records reveal that an owner faced with a sick slave was likely to believe the illness was feigned. In her excellent and nuanced history, Working Cures: Healing Health and Power on Southern Slave Plantations, Sharla Fett describes how, in 1859, slave owner William Massie resentfully recorded that his eighty–year–old slave “Patty” had just died “of I know not what disease…She has been saying she was sick for near a year and always pretended to be sick.” No doctor was ever summoned to investigate, and not even Patty’s death seems to have exonerated her from charges of malingering (12). The enfeebled Patty was no longer valuable in the fields or as a “breeder,” so the nature of her sickness was inconsequential.
Owners relied upon doctors to tell them whether slaves were malingering, but physicians were less than objective. Dr.W. H. Taylor, called in consultation for an enslaved man, prefaced his assessment with the phrase “remembering that simulation was a characteristic of his race” (13). Doctors and owners wrote articles in which they shared medical ruses and techniques calculated to get blacks, healthy or not, back into the fields. Dr. M. L.McLoud even wrote his master’s thesis on the fraudulent illnesses of slaves (14). He shared an incident in which he had accidentally administered an overdose of ammonium carbonate, (15) a corrosive white powder that was often used as smelling salts, to a slave shamming an epileptic fit. The burning sensation shocked her into abandoning her performance, and McLoud, like many other doctors, began to advocate such veiled medical violence when confronted with questionable illness in slaves (16). But masters also responded to suspected malingering or prolonged illness with frank abuse. Thomas Chaplin wrote in his planter’s journal, “Mary came out [of the sick house] today or rather was whipped out.” Owners and physicians also blurred the therapeutic line by referring jocularly to whipping as “medicine” for malingering slaves. One complaining woman was “treated with a cowskin or hickory switch to scourge her” [emphasis added]; other doctors recommended that an owner apply “9 drops of essence of rawhide” or “oil of hickory” (17) to the back of a sick slave.
Product details
- Publisher : Anchor; Illustrated edition (January 8, 2008)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 528 pages
- ISBN-10 : 076791547X
- ISBN-13 : 978-0767915472
- Lexile measure : 1400L
- Item Weight : 14.4 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 1.05 x 8.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #3,711 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

HARRIET A. WASHINGTON has been a fellow in ethics at the Harvard Medical School, a fellow at the Harvard School of Public Health, and a senior research scholar at the National Center for Bioethics at Tuskegee University. As a journalist and editor, she has worked for USA Today and several other publications, been a Knight Fellow at Stanford University and has written for such academic forums as the Harvard Public Health Review and The New England Journal of Medicine. She is the recipient of several prestigious awards for her work. Washington lives in New York City.
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CONS: Multiple:
DISTRUST OF SOURCES: She undermined any trust I had in her use of sources, or interpretation of sources, besides too often not providing sources.
For instance, she writes on page 134 that “Some libraries and physicians still possess books bound in the skins of African Americans” and gives as a source, a webpage[...] When one visits this site, Larson mentions books made in England prior to 1832, and two others, in 1852 and 1951. He does not mention race at all, stating that these books were often made from the skins of executed criminals, (and French aristocrats, and a mistress to a French novelist), thus my impression is that these were likely primarily of white people.
Or consider that she states, p117, she believes black cadavers are over-represented in dissecting labs, despite stating that the experts in the field deny this, yet she fails to cite data that would refute these experts. Also, she studiously ignores the data that is available, for instance as Iserson points out in Death to Dust, black bodies and black organ donation are both under-represented. Iserson cites two studies supporting his statements.
Or page 139, she asserts as truth that there are more black body parts being used, without one citation to support this claim. She later cites a book about a survey regarding corneas, but IF this is her source regarding the various organs, the reader is privy only to the finding of bias concerning corneas in Los Angeles, due to presumed consent laws, as this is about corneas only, not all other organs or bodies, AND, is in Los Angeles, not other cities or towns).
She does quote Thucydides a few pages later…
Page 147: "so little trouble do men take in search for the truth," Thucydides, "so readily do they accept whatever comes first to hand."
On Page 60 she recounts the experiments Thomas Jefferson made on his slaves, stating unambiguously that “Only after they escaped illness did Jefferson inject his white family at Monticello.” However, she lists as a source, a letter from Jefferson, quoted in a book by Robert Halsey, cited in a book by Savitt, a book she refers to throughout her book. (It is unclear if she is citing Savitt or Halsey as her source here, or both. If Savitt, she is now two sources removed. In any case, more worrisome is that she does not include Savitt’s footnote, that there is “ambiguity” in determining if Jeffersons’s white family was inoculated only after, and that he believes this to be the case because of the cold language of “subjects” thus “suggesting” blacks were inoculated before whites.
These and other examples make it difficult to know what to trust in this book.
LIMITED PROPORTION OF EXPERIMENTATION INFORMATION: The majority of this book is not what is purported in the subtitle, that is, experimentation. The majority of the book includes other concerns, such as bodies on display in sideshows, dissection rooms, eugenics, a convoluted suggestion of genocide, bias in employment based on genetics, the myth of the crack baby, etc…, If entitled “Bias against Black Bodies” then the subject matter would more appropriately match.
MISLEADING JUXTAPOSITION: On page 5 Washington lists many university programs that have been suspended by OPRR. The prior sentence includes “research that abused black Americans” and the following sentence includes “many studies enrolled only or principally black Americans.” She does not list her source for this information, making it difficult to check. However, one of the universities suspended was “even John Hopkins,” but the suspension she likely referred to occurred as a result of the death of a white woman. I found on my own internet search a threat of suspension regarding Yale [...] , but if they were suspended, she needs to list the citation.
APARTHEID: Presenting only studies (if accurate representations) that reveal over-representation of blacks, or abuse of blacks, but not providing a wider perspective, for instances of over-representation of women, or Jews, or others, or the lack thereof, does reveal just that, abuse and racism, but does not prove apartheid, that is, a systemic, or official policy of segregation. Maybe Apartheid is the right word, but she must make the case.
She does write of Cotton Mather having a grenade thrown in his house, p72, or, on p66 Sims giving ether to white men to knock their white wives unconscious for sex, but these only hint of a broader picture that could be painted.
Washington states that some 18th and 19th century white physicians and statesmen worked to promulgate the belief that one could look different and yet not be inferior. However rather than name some of these white physicians she immediately writes of two African-Americans instead, p94.
THESIS: In her epilogue she states for her book to have the most value, blacks need to be more willing to see doctors and engage in studies despite the past abuses. According to Washington, this participation is problematic because of the justified fear blacks have of doing so, “black iatrophobia” page 21. While providing some examples of nineteenth century fears, this justification for her book is lacking in any recent surveys of such fears. How prominent are blacks fears of night riders? Of grave-robbing for the dissection table? Tuskagee has likely caused fears, but then we have books about that already. Do we know if the Tuskagee revelations affected whites’ trust in studies?
How significant is blacks fear of abuse by a doctor in blacks under-utilization of the health system today? She does not address this question. Might not economics play a much larger role?It therefore comes across as an insincere justification, a noble sentiment providing camouflage for some other purpose.
On page 179, she states “it is a mistake to attribute African Americans’ medical reluctance to simple fear generated by the Tuskagee Syphlis Study,” and goes on to list quotes from four newspapers from doctors who do so. What a perfect opportunity to include some surveys of black fears, and knowledge of other past abuses, but she does not provide even one reference.
MIXING ISSUES: Washington introduces the book’s name on page 12, describing the current health of blacks compared to whites as such a wide gap as to be a medical “apartheid.” Page 134 she describes the African American book skins as “medical racism.” (Perhaps she attempts to tie these two issues together by her thesis above, that racism has lead to fear, has lead to health gaps, that is, apartheid.)
Subtilted “Black Americans” she reviews much of what happened in South Africa, and other countries.
NUMBERS GAME: Typically, as is appropriate, Washington uses percentages to show bias or racism, such as the much higher percentage of blacks in prison compared to the percentage in the general population. Yet, when refuting myths about black people she resorts to absolute numbers, for instance, page 203 she points out most women on welfare are not black. Myth safely refuted, she then provides the more meaningful data, that black women constitute 6% of the population but represent one third of those on AFDC. She resorts to absolute numbers again refuting racist mythology about teen pregnancy on page 207, but here, she does not provide the more meaningful data of percentages.
GRATUITOUS WESTERN BASHING: Page 79: in 1916 Benga committed suicide with that ubiquitous icon of Western technological achievement the handgun.
SPECULATION: p136, In regards to medical students, apparently prior to 1920, and the black cadavers, “There were photos of the bodies posed an undignified attitudes that accentuated whites dominance over them.” Besides not providing perspective (such as similar photos of students with white cadavers), she misses the psychological phenomenon of fear of death and discomfort of cutting into the dead, and the attempt to assert dominance over fear of death through the use of gallows humor, but why mention this when speculation about dominance over blacks is at hand?
PHYSICS: Yet another victim of misunderstanding the Heisenberg uncertainty principle: Page 153: Washington unfortunately compares paradoxes of quantum physics in the Heisenberg uncertainty principle as being similar to poorly done research.
LEAVE THE READER GUESSING: Page 192: she recounts that Dr. Harry Haiseldon killed six babies in 1915 for being defective although she does not describe their race. However she also states that parents began openly to recruit doctors to kill their children who were born with defects and doctors came forward with their own proud confessions of infanticide, but again she does not comment on the race of these parents or of the children.
HAVING IT BOTH WAYS: Multiple times I felt she wanted to have an issue both ways, for instance, Page 200: Washington writes "the proliferation of birth control clinics that were clearly aimed at an African-American population falls neatly within the UN definitions" of genocide. Yet she also states "although the proliferation of birth control clinics was unethical, the general rise of reproductive clinics in black neighborhoods did not constitute genocide because whatever the intent of the whites who introduce them such measures were widely embraced by black women.” Is she saying the UN definition is wrong (then say so?), or, less generously, is she trying to indicate that it is actually genocide (by UN criteria), but she herself won’t say so as a way of avoiding taking responsibility for such a charge. Also, while on one hand refuting the charge of genocide on the basis of black women wanting the pill, she calls such choice “quasi-voluntary.”
INCONSISTENCY: p340 Washington writes of a misleading conclusion from a VA study on AZT, that it did not help blacks, leading physicians to not prescribe it to blacks for fear of side effects, a false conclusion made in part on having too small of a group of blacks in the study. Yet, multiple times she holds out as examples of racism studies that include a higher percentage of blacks than that found in the population without discussing whether or not such numbers were needed for statistical significance.
WEAK ARGUMENTS: on page 342, Washington discusses that protease inhibitors were often withheld from lower socioeconomic groups, as poor compliance could increase drug resistance, but supports her criticism of this with a quote from an African American Physician, "my patients with drug problems are all compliant… It's ridiculous to withhold medication from drug users on the assumption that they won’t adhere to the treatment schedule: who understands the importance of taking drugs on time better than an addict?" (Seriously?)
Harriet Washington traces American racism from a medical standpoint from the early days, when science was more curious than anything else, to the days of slavery, when religion and science went hand in hand to justify by divine sanction, on the one hand, and by scientific reason, on the other, that black slaves were inferior to their white masters - morally, physically and mentally; after the end of slavery, when that brand of religious racism held less sway, Darwinism was pulled into the mix; and, now, when words such as "inferior" are never used in a racial context, expect in a discussion of historical viewpoints, or by the most ardent racists, other, more insidious terms pop up - for the same purposes of exploitation and abuse. While the evolution of racism in the US is not the main topic of this book, it is inevitably linked; this book is an interesting look at how the two, racism and racist abuse of minorities, have worked together throughout American history. This book is easy to read language-wise, although the content is very difficult at times.
Some of the highlights of Washington's work:
- She examines how the slave-holders wielded faulty - and, sometimes, simultaneously contradictory - scientific theories to justify the harshest abuses of black slaves, as well as the institution of slavery itself. African-Americans were both extremely susceptible to disease and incapable of living on their own (thusly in need of their masters' gracious benevolence), yet at the same immune to diseases white people could contract in the fields, doing the same labor.
- She touches on the pseudo-scientific/medical "justifications" for the sexual exploitation of female slaves. As black people were (according to the prevailing racial ideas of the day) morally as well as physically and intellectually inferior, it was the wanton female slave, and not the virtuous white master, who was to blame when rape occurred. This went hand in hand with the wholly accepted exploitation of female slaves as breeders of new slaves (Washington quotes Thomas Jefferson as declaring, "I consider a slave woman who breeds once every two years as profitable as the best worker on the farm.")
- She follows medical abuses of blacks as they morphed from the era of slavery (when the health of blacks was regarded only insomuch as it brought profit to a slave owner, and blacks often fell victim to the ownership of doctors who preyed upon their legal status of "property" to conduct all manner of horrendous experiments) to freedom (where black health was still considered of no account, and blacks still found themselves the unwitting victims of abuse - including body snatching, experimentation, etc.).
- She examines the era of eugenics, when abuse morphed into a desire to exterminate - all for the purpose of creating a genetically perfect group of people, of course.
- She includes a lengthy examination of some of the more recent experimental abuses, ranging from studies performed with out consent, without the hint of therapeutic benefit, etc.
- She also includes an examination of abusive "research" conducted on prison populations, which, proportional to the "outside" population, were considerably skewed to include far more black victims than representative of the overall population.
Washington covers far more than these points, and each of these points is examined at length, in detail. Her sources are many, and her writing - even when discussing the most horrendous abuses, the most offensive racism, etc. - is easy to follow.
There are times, I think, that Washington assumes a racial motive for what is not necessarily racially motivated - such as HIV/AIDS experimental pediatric treatments that target primarily black orphans/foster kids. Is this really a racially motivated abuse, or are these kids just the most vulnerable and easiest to get at for the researchers? In other words, are the researchers targeting them because they are black, or are they targeting them because they are powerless and friendless, and therefore easy subjects for research? I'd be inclined to believe the latter. Not that that makes it right, by any stretch of the imagination; I'm just not convinced that skin color is a deciding (or motivating) factor. Unscrupulous people will target vulnerable populations, period. If Washington could show that the same researchers bypassed similar white populations to prey on black ones, I could more easily believe that race was a deciding factor. Of course, this discussion is made less straightforward by the abandonment of racist terminology...a hundred - even fifty - years ago, there would be no need to wonder; racially motivated experimentation, as Washington shows, was openly labeled as such by the researchers involved. Now, words are chosen more carefully...so racist intent, if it exists, is masked behind non-racial language. Regardless, whether the intent of such studies is racist or not, the outcome is that, by design or no, blacks still face exploitative studies and disproportionate risks.
All in all, this is a very well researched, thought-provoking book. This is one more piece, often overlooked, in the discussion of American racism, and one that we cannot afford to overlook. We've all read the religious justifications for murder, slavery, and all sorts of other evils, that mankind has thought up through the ages. We know, too, from the abuses of the Nazis, that the scientific and medical justifications, when science and medicine abandon their true purposes, can be just as terrible. But it was not the Nazis, Mengele, etc., who exemplified this for us; American doctors, researchers and scientists have a terrible history of their own. It is intellectually dishonest, and morally dangerous, to ignore the wrongs committed by those on "our shores"; it may be comforting to think of forced sterilization programs as a Nazi-Germany thing, and so distance ourselves from that savagery. But forced sterilization, the "one drop" rule, Pocahontas exception, etc., etc., etc. were all American things; there is no distance between our culture and a culture that could produce such wrongs. Ours did, a relatively short time ago; pretending it did not happen will not prevent it from happening again. We need to see more books like this one - books that confront America's racist past, rather than ignoring it or pretending it vanished when black kids could go to the same schools as white kids, or African-Americans could ride anywhere they wanted in a bus. Washington's honest look at the brutal reality of racism in medicine is exactly the sort of discussion we need to be having - about all aspects of racism.
5/5 stars
Top reviews from other countries
This book is a gruesome to read, painful, disturbing, perversion on the sexual assault on black Women bodies, I could go on and add more meaning disturbing words.
The murder of a very young child who had nothing wrong, medically.
I thank the author Harriet A Washington, for her dedicated research by looking for the data and medical notes at the time by the Scientist and Doctors, who were carrying out, their Demonic Deeds.
Thank you Harriet A Washington, for resurrecting these innocent people and bringing their painful torture, to light.














