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Mine Were of Trouble: A Nationalist Account of the Spanish Civil War Paperback – March 21, 2020
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Thousands of foreigners, too, join the struggle. Most fight with the Soviet-sponsored International Brigades or other militias aligned with the loyalist “Republicans”. Only a few side with the rebel “Nationalists”. One of these rare volunteers for the Nationalists was Peter Kemp, a young British law student. Kemp, despite having little training or command of the Spanish language, was moved by the Nationalist struggle against international Communism. Using forged documents, he sneaked into Spain and joined a traditionalist militia, the Requetés, with which he saw intense fighting. Later, he volunteered to join the legendary and ruthless Spanish Foreign Legion, where he distinguished himself with heroism. Because of this bravery, he was one of the few foreign volunteers granted a private audience with Generalissimo Francisco Franco.
Kemp published his story in 1957, one of the only English accounts of the war from the Nationalist perspective, after a prestigious military career with the British Special Operations Executive during the Second World War. The book has been out-of-print for decades, but is at last available in print and ebook form once again.
- Print length171 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- Publication dateMarch 21, 2020
- Dimensions6 x 0.43 x 9 inches
- ISBN-13979-8624731721
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Product details
- ASIN : B08673MBF1
- Publisher : Independently published (March 21, 2020)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 171 pages
- ISBN-13 : 979-8624731721
- Item Weight : 9.6 ounces
- Dimensions : 6 x 0.43 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #52,632 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #48 in World War I History (Books)
- #365 in European History (Books)
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Peter Kemp was by his own words a restless, directionless English youth who had just come down from Caimbridge when the war in Spain broke out, and immediately endeavoured to join the Nationalists as a volunteer. He began by serving in the colorful Requeté militia, but eventually joined the Spanish Foreign Legion: as a result he saw considerable combat and was engaged in savage fighting on many occasions, suffering a number of wounds along the way. Kemp was neither a Fascist nor a Cathlolic and did not even speak Spanish when he arrived: his motivations were a combination of (admittedly simplistic) anti-communism and a desire for adventure. His writing shows little interest in politics beyond the historical, and neither blood thirst nor any actual personal dislike for his chosen enemies. MINE WERE OF TROUBLE is not romantic: Kemp is quite open about the fear he experienced in battle, the discomfort of fleas and lice, the exhaustion of long marches in intense heat, the nights men froze to death in the mountains from cold, and the horror of festering corpses and prisoners turning ashen as they realize they are about to be shot. As with any tale of a Foreign Legion, be it Spanish or French, he is also frank in discussing the casual brutality of its discipline and the draconian punishments meted out for even modest infractions (summary execution was the penalty for insubordination or cowardice; for most everything else, flogging or beatings). Indeed, his English modesty seems to compell him to confess every blunder and sin and downplay his own heroism: in one memorable instance he talks about how he forgot to release the safety catch on his pistol during hand-to-hand fighting and would have died had not his loyal men shot down his bayonet-wielding attacker. At the same time, his devotion is self-evident: on several occasions he smuggled himself out of Spain to visit England, but the idea of deserting and simply remaining at home never even seems to have occurred to him. He wanted to see the war through, and he did.
As I said, his story mirrors Orwell's, at least superficially, in many ways. Both were Englishmen who came to Spain and fought in the war; both were wounded in battle; both wrote accounts of their experiences which also include a historiography of the conflict. Orwell was of course the superior writer and had a much more sophisticated political education, but he saw much less combat (through no fault of his own) and his hatred of Fascism blinded him to the factional complexity of the Nationalist side, even though he was able to see the contradictions of his own with ruthless clarity. Neither endeavoured to write a book of propaganda, but Kemp felt compelled to dispute many of the atrocity claims laid at the feet of the Nationalists, and he is honest enough about things like the execution of Loyalist prisoners to make me believe he was at least trying to tell the truth as he experienced it. Now, the Spanish Civil War was one of incredible factional intricacy. The Loyalist (Left) side consisted of communists, anarchists, Trotskyists, Republicans, and God knows what else, all of whom disliked, feared and even hated each other. It was supported with equipment and advisers by Stalin, and its army by the International Brigades of foreign volunteers from all over the world. The Nationalist (Right) side was not less factionalized, though in the habit of right-wing movements it did not cannibalize itself the way the leftists always seem to: it consisted of monarchists, Fascists, nationalist/conservatives, traditionalists, and on a military plane, also had a lot of foreigners in its ranks, by virtue of the Army of Africa, which Franco brought with him from Spanish Morocco when the war began: also by the Spanish Foreign Legion. It was supported in turn by Hitler, who sent the Condor Legion, and Mussolini, who sent 20,000 soldiers. So...the reader can be forgiven if he is periodically confused that reality does not conform to something as simple as "North vs. South" or "Reds vs. Whites." However, Kemp does a credible job of keeping the central issues fairly clear.
The book is written in a simple, easygoing style. Kemp's only real flair for prose comes when he is describing the Spanish countryside or other things bound to tickle an Englishman's fancy. I read the book in three days and thoroughly enjoyed it, though some of the memories, such as the execution of a fellow Englishman who came over as a deserter from the International Brigades expecting mercy and got two rifle bullets in the back of his skull instead, are hard to stomach; to his credit, Kemp admits he could barely stand to write about them. If he did not always exercise the best judgment, he certainly lacks the sort of cruelty and indifference to suffering I have often found running through works of this type. Because of this, I am eager to read his other two works, NO COLOURS OR CREST and ALMS FOR OBLIVION. In the mean time, I have a better picture of the war sometimes referred to as "the dress-rehearsal of WW2."
Not being very familiar with the Spanish Civil War prior to this book outside of the Spanish Republican point of view you get from college campuses or textbooks, I was struck by the wide array of combatants on both sides, in geography and in ideology, as well as the brutality of the conflict.
I felt empathy for Kemp, who travels from England to fight on the side of the Nationalists after hearing of the atrocities committed by the Republicans against Spanish Catholics, and for the Spanish, who often express it's their war, and that they would prefer to wage it without foreigners.
I've never read battle descriptions like Kemp's which describe somewhat cobbled together armies supplied by foreign benefactors and the devastation wrought on the Spanish country. General life and soldier interactions are also interesting, and Kemp delivers a thrilling and thought provoking account of one man's agency.
Some who read this will likely find parallels with the foreign legions and international brigades that fight in Ukraine today. Wonder what Kemp would have thought of the current era.
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His frank admission that the Spanish Foreign Legion (the “Tercio”) murdered prisoners who were members of the International Brigades and his description of his own part, however reluctant that might have been, in one such act, does not mitigate his apparent lack of a moral compass. Kemp seems to have thought that similar barbarities on the other side constituted some kind of justification. Quite how such equivalence of depravity squares with his belief in the superiority of the Francoist cause is elusive. But this seems to have been the prevalent mind-set of extremists on both sides.
Kemp was aware that this was not an isolated incident. He tells of how he was informed by a fellow British volunteer with the Tercio that no prisoners were taken and that the streets ran red with blood when Toledo was captured in September 1936. We will never know if it was similarly vouched-safe that more than 20 pregnant women were taken from a maternity hospital to the municipal cemetery and then shot. The idea that such victims were, somehow, also the perpetrators of Red atrocities and justly received “an eye for an eye” would have elicited derision from all but the psychopathic.
Many prisoners were, however, taken at Badajoz – and then massacred in the bull-ring by the Francoist Army of Africa. Republican doctors, nurses and wounded patients were killed in a hospital there. And not one of them was a member of the International Brigades. Those units had not even been activated at the time in question.
This was the cause of “Christian civilisation” for which Francoists claimed to be fighting, and for which they overwhelmingly received the Church’s blessing. A Jesuit chaplain in the Legion, Fernando Huidobro Polanco, explained it thus:
“Our style is clean. Our procedures are different from theirs. They shoot, they torture, they exterminate. We, because we are Christians and gentlemen, know how to fight”.
Later, his attitude changed. He even wrote to Franco:
“This is a war with neither wounded nor prisoners. Militiamen are shot for the mere fact of being militiamen without being given a chance to speak or to be questioned. Thus many are dying who do not deserve such a fate”
Huidobro was subsequently killed, not as originally alleged by a Russian shell but, ironically, shot in the back by a legionario.
Consequently, Kemp’s assertion that on witnessing murders he felt a “sickening disgust” does not convince. Such acts were commonplace and, as appears from Huidobro’s letter, were by no means confined to International Brigade members. Those who carried them out were not ashamed of their atrocities. It can be supposed they would not have scrupled about boasting about such deeds to a squeamish Englishman.
The sincerity of Kemp’s disgust is also thrown into doubt by the fact that whilst later recovering from wounds he was allowed to cross the border to visit friends in Biarritz. He accordingly had a perfect opportunity to walk away from the whole bloody business. But he did not take it. He returned to Francoist Spain to continue his association with the Legion, notwithstanding the likelihood of further such crimes being committed in his presence.
Nor does he appear to have turned a hair when a superior told him he should have summarily shot one of his own men for insubordination. But then his exemplar, Franco, the great man who later patted him on the knee, had had a legionario shot for a similar infraction, even though the semi-demented (at best) General Millan Astray had said that the death penalty could only be handed down by a court-martial.
But that was the Tercio, the people from whom Kemp says he wanted to “learn first-class soldiering” (p.81). One cannot help wondering whether, in similar circumstances, he would also have been content to receive similar lessons from the Waffen SS in their crusade against Communism!
Time and again we are treated to accounts of Kemp’s “networking” amongst the Francoist aristos. There is no evidence of any interest in why people supported the Republic. Presumably he classified them as a breed of untermenschen, unworthy of any consideration. Only once does he indicate that occupants of a village were less than delighted to see him and his fellow legionarios. It would not have occurred to him to wonder whether the Tercio’s reputation for brutality in Morocco and Spain might not have terrified villagers into ingratiating themselves just to stay alive.
Kemp seems to have wanted to convey the impression that the population of Republican Spain all lived for the day when they would be liberated from Communist oppression. In his travels round the country he appears to have been oblivious to any circumstances which might suggest a reason for discontent with their way of life over the centuries. A much less blinkered observer, Virginia Cowles, who visited both zones during the War came to the conclusion that
“Anyone who travelled through the country could scarcely fail to be shocked by the miserable living conditions in the villages. The houses were dilapidated and filthy, and often there were no sanitary arrangements of any kind. Children with sores on their faces and bodies sprawled in the dust like animals. I soon began to understand the grievance against the Church, for in many of these villages cathedral spires rose splendidly over scenes of unforgettable squalor – spires fashioned by the money of the peasants.” (Looking for Trouble pp39-40)
What comes over forcefully from the book is Kemp’s apparently uncritical acceptance of what he was told. Much of what he relates as fact came from those who he had no reason to assume were unbiased and truthful. This characteristic may not have been quite as extreme as that of the egregious Arnold Lunn in Spanish Rehearsal but it does suggest that Kemp was right to have doubts about a career as a barrister. His readiness to accept whatever propaganda he was spoon-fed by the likes of Gonzalo de Aguilera, boozing chum Archie Lyall, et al does not indicate a robust, questioning, intelligence. He evidently regarded them as “good types”. Even Aguilera’s admission of having murdered six of his estate workers, in order to terrorise the others, was insufficient to discourage a liking. But Aguilera was an aristocrat and English-educated, privileged and, therefore, “one of us”, a paid-up member of the Old Boy Network and therefore a superior being. Aguilera ended his life in a mental asylum after killing his two sons.
Kemp records having been told that
“The Reds had perpetrated appalling crimes in Spain, as I should soon find out for myself. This theme, most of which accorded with my own views, was one which I was to hear repeated constantly and with rising vehemence by all kinds and classes of Spaniards during the next two and a half years.”
That there were such crimes cannot be denied. However, the reader will find it difficult to find any record in the book of an instance of Kemp personally coming across any evidence of such crimes. All he can come up with is hearsay, which he was happy to accept because it “accorded with my own views” and so confirmed his pre-existing prejudices.
Lyall is cited as the source of information on the fair conduct of trials in front of Francoist military courts and the justness of the sentences they handed down. The fact that he was allowed to observe such proceedings suggests that he was seen as a “useful idiot” in the Francoist corner. Those courts could not even aspire to the description of “kangaroo”. They were a travesty. Even Judge Jeffreys might have blanched at the way they were conducted. The Francoist legal system, if it can properly be described as such, even found itself able to condemn a man, dead of old age, in his absence (of course) for the crime of being a freemason. He was sentenced to 30 years imprisonment!
Kemp comments several times on what he considers the superiority of Republican propaganda as against that of the Francoists. So when he parrots the official version of the raising of the siege of the Toledo Alcázar he swallows hook, line and sinker the images of Colonel Moscardo staggering out of the ruins to greet Franco with his laconic report of “Sin novedad en el Alcázar, mi general” (all quiet in the Alcázar, my general). But Franco was not with the relief force. He was in Salamanca at the time, engineering his elevation to the post of Generalisimo and Head of State. It was actually to General Varela that Moscardo first uttered the famous words. The whole scene was re-enacted two days later, with Franco in the starring role, to be played round the world in newsreels. Dr. Johnson had it right when he wrote
“Among the calamities of War may be justly numbered the diminution of the love of truth, by the falsehoods which interest dictates and credulity encourages”.
Kemp asserts that there were heavy losses on both sides when Yague’s columns stormed Badajoz. The Republican defenders were ill-trained and ill-armed militia (some had only scythes). They were outnumbered by battle-hardened veterans of the Army of Africa. The latter actually suffered just 44 killed and 141 wounded. Thousands of Republicans and others died during and immediately after the storming.
He also claims that
“On September 29th the 5th Bandera of the Tercio and a tabor of Regulares entered Toledo … The siege of the Alcázar was over.” and “no attempt has been made to rebuild the Alcázar, and when I revisited it in the spring of 1951 it looked, and smelt, exactly the same”. In fact the siege was over on September 27th. As Kemp did not arrive in Spain until November 1936 he was not, of course, in a position to know how the fortress smelt two months earlier, thereby showing the unreliability of his comments.
The restoration and rebuilding of the Alcázar began in 1939. If it indeed looked in 1951 as it did in 1936 that tells a lot about the efficiency of the Franco government, even when it came to such a prestige project.
After describing the failure of the Francoists to capture Madrid by a coup de main in November 1936 Kemp then asserts “Thus began the second phase of the Civil War – the phase of foreign intervention”. This further reveals his shortcomings as a source of accurate information about events. German and Italian assistance to the rebels commenced in the early days of the uprising. The Nazi and Fascist dictators were quick to provide aircraft that transported legionarios and regulares of the Army of Africa from Spanish Morocco to Andalucia. From these reinforcements were created the columns that thrust northwards to link up with General Mola’s forces and capture Madrid. Hitler later said that Franco should raise a monument to the Junkers Ju52 aircraft which Germany supplied to create the first significant military air bridge. Without it the outcome of the conflict might well have been very different.
According to Admiral Canaris, head of German military intelligence (the “Abwehr”) by the 28th August 1936 Germany had sent 26 bombers, 15 fighters, 20 anti-aircraft guns, 50 machine guns and 8,000 rifles. The Italians had sent 12 bombers, 27 fighters, 12 anti-aircraft guns, 40 machine guns and some Ansaldo tankettes. By the beginning of September 1936 the Italians already had bomber and fighter aircraft based in Mallorca. It suited Kemp’s purposes to try to create the impression that the intervention of the Berlin-Rome axis was contemporaneous with, or even in response to, the supply of Soviet arms to the Republicans.
At the end of the day there is little to distinguish Kemp’s approach from the dogma trotted out by some of the unreconstructed Stalinists who went into print after service in the International Brigades. The whole genre needs to come with a “health warning” vis à vis its accuracy.
The various references to Kemp and his book which appear in works about the Spanish Civil War is probably more attributable to the rarity of Britons fighting for Franco than anything else, and certainly not because he provides a nuanced analysis or picture of events.
The Mystery Grove Publishing Co. paperback edition displays evidence of the lack of proof-reading that seems to have become the norm for the publishing industry these days.
He was not an extremist and is not above describing some of the outrages both sides committed.
Which over the intervening years started to come to light.
He does on a whole keep to describing his experiences as a soldier and it does make a very interesting reading and as far as I m aware is only 1 of 2 British biographies from the Nationalist side.
In 1936, Spain was controlled by a left-wing gov't that turned a blind eye to escalating rioting and assassinations by anarchist groups. Fearing a communist takeover, military officers launched a coup. Read the best introduction to Spanish Civil War here!













