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My Journey at the Nuclear Brink Paperback – November 11, 2015
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My Journey at the Nuclear Brink is a continuation of William J. Perry's efforts to keep the world safe from a nuclear catastrophe. It tells the story of his coming of age in the nuclear era, his role in trying to shape and contain it, and how his thinking has changed about the threat these weapons pose.
In a remarkable career, Perry has dealt firsthand with the changing nuclear threat. Decades of experience and special access to top-secret knowledge of strategic nuclear options have given Perry a unique, and chilling, vantage point from which to conclude that nuclear weapons endanger our security rather than securing it.
This book traces his thought process as he journeys from the Cuban Missile Crisis, to crafting a defense strategy in the Carter Administration to offset the Soviets' numeric superiority in conventional forces, to presiding over the dismantling of more than 8,000 nuclear weapons in the Clinton Administration, and to his creation in 2007, with George Shultz, Sam Nunn, and Henry Kissinger, of the Nuclear Security Project to articulate their vision of a world free from nuclear weapons and to lay out the urgent steps needed to reduce nuclear dangers.
Review
"Perry's authoritative memoir...is a clear, sobering and, for many, surprising warning that the danger of a nuclear catastrophe today is actually greater than it was during that era of U.S.-Soviet competition.a significant and insightful memoir and a necessary read." -- Mortimer B. Zuckerman ― U.S. News & World Report
"In clear, detailed but powerful prose, Perry's new book, My Journey at the Nuclear Brink, tells the story of his seventy-year experience of the nuclear age. Beginning with his firsthand encounter with survivors living amid 'vast wastes of fused rubble' in the aftermath of World War II, his account takes us up to today when Perry is on an urgent mission to alert us to the dangerous nuclear road we are traveling." -- Jerry Brown ― The New York Review of Books
"William Perry's dedicated service to our nation spans generations, and this remarkable book documents a lifetime of achievements that have made America stronger and safer. In these pages, you will have an insider's look at the acute tensions of the Cold War and the expansive opportunities that emerged when it ended. Dr. Perry's experiences demonstrate why we must do everything we can to reduce the dangers of nuclear proliferation. You will be inspired by the impact that one gifted individual can have on the most pressing national security challenges that we face." ― Dr. Elizabeth Sherwood-Randall
"Bill Perry has the highest A to E ratio (accomplishments to ego) of anyone I have ever known. His vision and foresight have made America safer, stronger and more secure. He has lived General Omar Bradley's dictum: 'The way to win an atomic war is to make certain it never starts.' Everyone interested in protecting the future of our nation and planet should read this book and learn from Bill's experience." -- Former Senator Sam Nunn ― Co-Chairman of the Nuclear Threat Initiative
"Perry has long been one of the more strenuous advocates for confronting the dangers of the nuclear age, and his engaging memoir explains why." -- Lawrence D. Freedman ― Foreign Affairs
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
My Journey at the Nuclear Brink
By William J. PerrySTANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
Copyright © 2015 William J. PerryAll rights reserved.
ISBN: 978-0-8047-9712-2
Contents
Foreword by George P. Shultz,Preface,
Acknowledgments,
Abbreviations,
1. The Cuban Missile Crisis: A Nuclear Nightmare,
2. A Fire in the Sky,
3. The Rise of the Soviet Missile Threat and the Race for Data to Understand It,
4. An Original Silicon Valley Entrepreneur and the Advance of Spy Technology,
5. A Call to Serve,
6. Implementing the Offset Strategy and the Emergence of Stealth Technology,
7. Buildup of the US Nuclear Force,
8. Nuclear Alerts, Arms Control, and Missed Opportunities in Nonproliferation,
9. The Undersecretary as a Diplomat,
10. Back in Civilian Life: The Cold War Ends, but the Nuclear Journey Continues,
11. A Return to Washington: The New Challenge of "Loose Nukes" and the Lurching Reform of Defense Acquisition,
12. I Become Secretary of Defense,
13. Dismantling Nuclear Weapons and Building the Legacy of Nunn-Lugar,
14. The Crisis with North Korea: Containing an Emerging Nuclear State,
15. Ratifying Start II and Battling over the Test Ban Treaty,
16. NATO, Peacekeeping in Bosnia, and the Rise of Security Ties with Russia,
17. The "Immaculate Invasion" of Haiti and Forging Ties for Western Hemispheric Security,
18. The "Iron Logic" between Military Capability and Quality of Life,
19. A Farewell to Arms,
20. The Fall of Security Ties with Russia,
21. Seeking Common Ground with China, India, Pakistan, and Iran,
22. The North Korean Policy Review: Triumph and Tragedy,
23. Fiasco in Iraq: Then and Now,
24. The Nuclear Security Project: Former "Cold Warriors" Offer a New Vision,
25. A Way Forward: Hope for a World without Nuclear Weapons,
Notes,
Index,
Photo Gallery,
CHAPTER 1
The Cuban Missile Crisis: A Nuclear Nightmare
It shall be the policy of this Nation to regard any nuclear missile launched from Cuba against any nation in the Western Hemisphere as an attack by the Soviet Union on the United States, requiring a full retaliatory response upon the Soviet Union.
— President John F. Kennedy, nationwide broadcast, 22 October 1962
My phone rang on a beautiful fall day in 1962, just a week after I had celebrated my thirty-fifth birthday. I was the director of Sylvania's Electronic Defense Laboratories, which pioneered in sophisticated electronic reconnaissance systems directed at Soviet nuclear weapons systems. I was living with my wife, Lee, and our five children in a beautiful home in Palo Alto, California, near the picturesque San Francisco Bay. Life was good. But it was about to be turned upside-down.
The phone call was from Albert "Bud" Wheelon, my colleague on high-level government panels to assess Soviet nuclear capabilities. Wheelon, also in his thirties, was the youngest-ever head of the CIA's Office of Scientific Intelligence, as well as chairman of the Guided Missile and Astronautics Intelligence Committee (GMAIC), an expert group reviewing all intelligence on the Soviet missile and space programs. He asked me to fly to Washington to consult with him, and I told him that I would rearrange my schedule and fly back the following week. "No," he said, "I need to see you right away." His sense of urgency alarmed me. Our country was deep in a spiraling nuclear arms race with the Soviet Union, which just the previous year had broken the nuclear test ban to detonate their "monster" 50-megaton bomb. I took the nigh
- Print length276 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- Publication dateNovember 11, 2015
- Dimensions6 x 0.65 x 9 inches
- ISBN-100804797129
- ISBN-13978-0804797122
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Product details
- Publisher : Stanford University Press; 1st edition (November 11, 2015)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 276 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0804797129
- ISBN-13 : 978-0804797122
- Item Weight : 13.6 ounces
- Dimensions : 6 x 0.65 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #281,989 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #45 in Arms Control (Books)
- #127 in Nuclear Weapons & Warfare History (Books)
- #1,294 in Political Leader Biographies
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"I think it [NATO expansion] is the beginning of a new Cold War. I think the Russians will gradually react quite adversely and it will affect their policies. I think it is a tragic mistake."
Then, throughout the chapter, Perry offers up the following prescient observations:
"Russia considered the expansions of NATO underway in 1997–99 a threat, and they regarded the later inclusion of the Baltic States as “marching the NATO threat up to their border.” In what was less than enlightened conduct, the United States and NATO generally acted as if Russia’s concerns were inconsequential. Particularly galling to Russians were NATO’s actions in Kosovo, in the deployment of a ballistic missile defense (BMD) in Europe, and in the continuation of NATO expansion, including the Baltic states, which had been a part of the czar’s Russia and, for a few decades, the Soviet Union. Subsequently, NATO started the early processing of Georgia and Ukraine for NATO membership. Now Russia distanced itself even further from NATO and showed increased resentment of the US, believing that the US displayed no regard for Russian feelings and interests, concluding that we would do whatever suited us best, leaving Russia to cope as best it could. ... Could we have reached an agreement with Russia that protected the Kosovars? We don’t know, but I don’t think NATO tried very hard. NATO knew that the Russians could not stop their incursion into Kosovo and decided it would be done in spite of Russian concerns. However, the Russians could and did build a resentment that would manifest itself in later actions. ... [W]hen the George W. Bush administration withdrew the US from the ABM treaty with the Russians in order to deploy a BMD system in Eastern Europe directed against Iranian missiles, grave tensions with Russia built up. ... [In 2014, after] Ukrainian president, Viktor Yanukovych, was overthrown by demonstrators in Maidan Square in Kiev, Putin [annexed Crimea] and supported a break-off of the largely Russian-speaking provinces in Eastern Ukraine, at first using thinly disguised Russian troops to support the local insurgents, and later not bothering with the disguise. ... The story I have related is sad, if not tragic. It is a parable of how quickly relations can sour, and how much damage can be done when two powerful nations operate in opposition to each other. In less than fifteen years the relations between the United States and Russia went from positive to an all-time low. It is particularly sad when one believes, as I do, that we had the opportunity in the 1990s to build a long-lasting cooperative relationship with Russia. The descent down the slippery slope began, I believe, with the premature NATO expansion, and I soon came to believe that the downsides of early NATO membership for Eastern European nations were even worse than I had feared. ... There is no question that actions by the Russian government have contributed to these sad results; and certainly, NATO expansion did not by itself cause them. But NATO expansion was the first step. Again, following that decision there occurred the series of other American and NATO actions that Russia found threatening: most prominently, the American deployment of BMD systems in Europe, the NATO military action against Serbia, and the proposal to offer NATO membership to Ukraine and Georgia. No one of these was decisive; but together they were interpreted by Russia as a sign of disrespect for Russia’s interests—a sign that the United States did not see Russia’s views as important. It is a troubling turn of affairs that has the potential of becoming very dangerous."
To rephrase Perry's observations in light of subsequent developments: Could Joe Biden, Secretary of State Tony Blinken, and NATO have reached an agreement with Russia in 2021 that would have satisfied Russian security concerns by requiring Ukrainian and Georgian neutrality while preserving their sovereignty? We don’t know, but Biden, Blinken, and NATO certainly don't seem to have tried very hard. The Biden administration and NATO, in what was less than enlightened conduct, simply assumed that Russia could not stop the expansion of NATO to Ukraine and Georgia and decided it would be done in spite of Russian concerns. There is no question that Vladimir Putin gave the order to invade Ukraine in the spring of last year and is responsible for all the devastation the people of that country are now suffering. But American intransigence and disregard for Russian security concerns about NATO expansion was the first step down the road to this tragic war.
Dr. Perry reminds us of the foreign policy missteps which have led to increased tensions between the two great nuclear powers, Russia and the US. I found this book to be very informative.
Dr. Perry had the personal experience of witnessing the destruction of Tokyo and then Okinawa at the end of WW2 as an 18 year old army draftee. Now, imagining a multiplication this horror by a zillion, he has played a leading role in assuring that the possible holocaust facing us in a nuclear war did not, and hopefully will not, occur.
I learned a lot about the workings of the Defense Dept and the development and acquisition of weapons. What was surprising was the amount of diplomacy involved in defense decisions. There were many military to military meetings between countries and particularly between the Soviets (and then Russians) and us. Some of it is natural and unavoidable, but under Perry there was a lot more of it leading to friendly relations amongst the defense establishments of various countries. This was important for nuclear safety in the trust it generates. The world is a lot safer with the reduction of nukes under Start I, Start II, the elimination of intermediate range nuclear missiles, a test ban treaty, and more.
The author gives great credit to the Nunn-Lugar law which enables America to assist and lead in the attempt to eliminate "loose nukes" and fissionable material that might fall into the wrong hands. Under this law the US has aided and to a large extent financed the complete elimination of nuclear weapons from the Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan.
Since retiring, Perry along with Nunn, Schultz and Kissinger has continued his efforts toward nuclear sanity.
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Livre que tout le monde devrait lire : cela permettrait de déconstruire des très dangereuses idées reçues chez beaucoup de personnes, à commencer par les "responsables" politiques !!!
Dommage qu'il ne soit pas (encore) traduit en Français ...
The book reads mostly like a bureaucratic report but, given the significance of its subject matter and the authoritative quality of Perry's treatment, it should be read by eveyone concerned with humankind's future.








