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Myths, Illusions, and Peace: Finding a New Direction for America in the Middle East Hardcover – June 11, 2009
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-The New York Times
Now updated with a new chapter on the current climate, Myths, Illusions, and Peace addresses why the United States has consistently failed to achieve its strategic goals in the Middle East. According to Dennis Ross-special advisor to President Obama and senior director at the National Security Council for that region-and policy analyst David Makovsky, it is because we have repeatedly fallen prey to dangerous myths about this part of the world-myths with roots that reach back decades yet persist today. Clearly articulated and accessible, Myths, Illusions, and Peace captures the reality of the problems in the Middle East like no book has before. It presents a concise and far-reaching set of principles that will help America set an effective course of action in the region, and in so doing secure a safer future for all Americans.
- Print length368 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherViking Adult
- Publication dateJune 11, 2009
- Reading age18 years and up
- Dimensions6.3 x 1.3 x 9.32 inches
- ISBN-100670020893
- ISBN-13978-0670020898
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About the Author
Analyst and former journalist David Makovsky is a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and the author of Making Peace with the PLO.
Product details
- Publisher : Viking Adult (June 11, 2009)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 368 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0670020893
- ISBN-13 : 978-0670020898
- Reading age : 18 years and up
- Item Weight : 1.35 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.3 x 1.3 x 9.32 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #3,782,891 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,840 in War & Peace (Books)
- #36,018 in International & World Politics (Books)
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The two, well experienced and knowledgeable authors review the position of U S policies from both the points of view of the neoconservatives and the more liberal "realists". They explain that the issues of the Israel/ Palestine conflict are not necessary linked to other problems in the Middle East and give a fair assessment of the difficulties facing the U S in trying to resolve this dispute. Indeed, going on to explain, why the U S should still get involved in this dispute. Whilst written from an American view point (as expected) this is not a one sided argument, and the issues are illustrated from the views of both sides in this dispute.
They continue with an appraisal of the situation in Iran, again looking at U S policy from both neoconservative and "realist" objectives. Evidence of Iranian overtures to America in 2003 and why they were rejected are explored together with the consequences of this rejection. Further chapters cover terrorism in the area and finally suggestions are put forward on how the U S A could approach the issues of encouraging peace in the Middle East
Anyone with stake in Middle East affairs must read this book in order to gain an insight into the politics of the Middle East and the role of the U S A in that area. Thoroughly recommended.
I'm sure the targets of his criticism -- such as Walt/Mearsheimer -- would take issue with the authors for poorly representing their positions, though I haven't done research to find out whether they have responded to the book. Ross and Makovsky can't honestly defend their positions/solutions as more balanced/effective without providing the readers with a fairer view of those they criticize.
Ross and Makovsky do offer some substantive and valuable historical background and analysis. However, their tone and approach to writing the book was done in a very convenient way so as to come out looking more clever than everyone else. If you keep this in mind while reading it, you will be better off.
Dennis Ross and David Makovsky were both staff members of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, an offshoot of AIPAC (the America - Israel Public Affairs Committee) the very powerful pro-Israel lobbying group. Their book defines Middle East policy issues as supporters of Israel's policies would like to see them defined.
The book presents Middle East issues from an exclusively Jewish viewpoint. Nearly half of the book, up to page 123, mainly presents an extensive history of the US-Israel relationship from 1948 to the present, including detailed presentations of the views of Israel's supporters in the US government. In contrast, while three chapters (Chapters 7,8,9) are devoted to Iran, Ross and Makovsky make no attempt to study or describe the political history of Iran or its relationship with the US. Iran's `Islamist Revolution of 1979' which expelled the Shah of Iran, receives just that two-word description `Islamist Revolution' - with no attempt to explore or describe what forces were at work. The pivotal 1953 coup, engineered by the US Central Intelligence Agency, which overthrew Iran's government headed by Mohammed Mossadeq, is not even mentioned (read All the Shah's Men: An American Coup and the Roots of Middle East Terror by Stephen Kinzer). Politics in Saudi Arabia, Lebanon or Syria receive not a word.
Amazingly, Ross and Makovsky do not even mention the long and bloody Iran-Iraq war of the 1980's, in which the US supported Saddam Hussein against Iran. The relationship between the US and Iran since the 1979 revolution in Iran, or since the 1953 US-supported coup, is not discussed or even mentioned. The origin and causes of the present hostility between the US and Iran are left totally unexplained.
Ross and Makovsky's implication is that to understand Middle East issues, the US-Israeli relationship should be studied in the greatest detail; for all other Middle Eastern countries, their history and politics are irrelevant. All that matters is how they relate to Israel at this moment.
If this book presents the best available US thinking on Iran, the future looks bleak. Israel's preferred course with Iran would be to bomb Iran's nuclear facilities - and count on the US to bail it out from any unforeseen consequences. But as von Clausewitz remarked 200 years ago, wars always develop in ways which are unforeseen (Vietnam, Iraq are recent examples).
Much of the book is devoted to attacking the "linkage" theory, which they attack by first presenting it in a ridiculous form (a common rhetorical trick in politics): "the idea that if only the Palestinian conflict were solved, all other Middle East conflicts would melt away." Of course, there are differences between Middle Eastern states unrelated to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. But Israeli's treatment of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza underlies the fact that 90 percent or more of the populations of Moslem countries have a negative view of the United States and are hostile to Israel. Their governments cannot ignore such views. When Israel complained in 2009 that neighboring Arab countries treat it as a pariah, not allowing Israeli trade missions in their countries, or permitting flights by Israeli airlines in their airspace, the US proposed in 2009 (after this book appeared) that Arab countries break the ice with Israel by making such conciliatory gestures. Netanyahu, on the other hand, refused to halt expansion of Israeli settlements. Thereupon, Saudi Arabia (with close economic ties to the US) immediately declined to make any conciliatory moves to Israel.
Conveniently, this downplaying of the importance of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict justifies the Netanyahu government's refusal (supported by American Jewish organizations) to halt expansion of Israeli settlements in the West Bank. This has put Israel in conflict with the Obama Administration, and is now blocking any peace negotiations between the Israelis and Palestinians. But in Ross and Makovsky's book, the issue of settlements is not even mentioned!
The final chapter, `A New Realism for U.S. Policy in the Middle East,' only 8 pages long, presents their recommendations. They are very, very skimpy, and vague. First, "we must start by seeing the region as it is" (who chooses not to?). We should help in "liberalizing regimes and helping reformers throughout the Middle East." How? Iranian opposition leaders in 2009 begged the US not to endorse them, since America's reputation in the Moslem world has become so toxic that US support would instantly discredit any Middle Eastern reformer. Finally, the US must not "walk away or leave Israel in the lurch" - as if anyone, from Douglas Feith to Mearsheimer, Walt or Zbigniew Brzezinski were proposing to do so.
Ross and Makovsky disparage the record of the Bush Administration in the Middle East. They have no choice: it was an obvious failure. Refusing to talk to Iran while hurling scarcely-camouflaged threats ("You're next!") has left the US with Iran's nuclear program to deal with. Bush's hands-off cowardice vis-a-vis the Israeli-Palestinian peace process has left Israel on even worse terms with its neighbors. But while disparaging Bush's record, Ross and Makovsky support the same goals and many of the same methods, and share the same conceptual framework.
Basing Middle East policy on the use of military force as George W. Bush did, deploying US military supremacy in Middle Eastern countries while ignoring political forces, cultural traditions and public opinion in every country except Israel, has been disastrous for the US. Enormously costly wars are being fought in Iraq and Afghanistan under conditions where US military and technological supremacy give no advantage. This policy, to which Ross and Makovsky offer little alternative, has left the US militarily weakened and enormously weakened financially. It has been a disaster for the US national interest.
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The two schools of policy Ross and Makovsky contrast are the realist schools, typically embodied by policy analysts such as Zbigniew Brzezinski who see the Middle East in a strategic and formulaic manner, and the Neoconservatives, essentially the predominant foreign policy agenda of the previous Bush presidency, that have approached the Middle East in a dogmatic, inflexible manner. What characterizes both camps is an abject lack of understanding for the realities on the ground a vision of the Middle East which is seen almost exclusively through the prism of ideology.
Neoconservatives have been characterized by a disdain toward the Arab-Israeli peace process, believing that it is ultimately ill fated because of the rejectionist camp, and their overwhelming belief in the importance of elections and democratization in the Middle East.
Realists have a more nuanced view toward Israel, regarding it as a strategic liability, and an ill conceived notion of engaging the rejectionist camp of the Palestinians.
Ross and Makovsky contrast both approaches, arguing that they have been mired in ideology and driven by dogma. They essentially carve out a middle ground that emphasizes the importance of the peace process, and the ultimate long term non sustainability of the status quo, which could lead to an apartheid state (if that is not already the case).
A considerable amount of attention is given to Iran, that certainly does not downplay the grave ramifications of Iran becoming a nuclear power, but is also critical of the previous US approach of non engagement with Iran.
This book provides an interesting history of the Arab-Israeli conflict, explaining with interesting insight underlying causes of the 1967 and 1973 wars, and the evolving nature of the conflict from an interstate conflict to the internecine and diplomatic struggle of today.
Perhaps the strongest and most thoughtful analysis is in the penultimate chapter on democracy promotion in the Middle East. Ross and Makovsky both emphasize the importance of democratic transformation, illustrating the unreliability of regimes that have lost legitimacy, but maintain a forceful critique of the previous administrations approach.
The previous Bush administration pushed forward a democratic agenda without taking into account the realities on the ground, which resulted in elections with low turnout and inconsequential results, in the case of Egypt, and the debacle of the 2006 Hamas victory, and the violent takeover of Gaza 18 months later.
Ross and Makovsky argue that elections should not come first, and the environment should be transformed to ensure rule of law and transparency. Offering hope, a variety of noted Middle Eastern reformers and progressives are profiled toward the end of this chapter.
In all a timely and pragmatic book that comes from decent sources, as Ross is a veteran Mid East envoy of both Bush senior and Clinton, and Makovsky is a senior fellow at the Washington Institute of Near East Policy. Their credidentials do not disappoint and what you have is a very readable and intelligent analysis of today's Middle East.
There are parts of the books which certainly provide a sensible and thoughtful alternative for engaging with the different players in the middle east. A lot of the book is repeating of the same ideas and views over and over again so much as I believe the entire book could be shortened to half of what it is.
In my opinion the authors have displayed generally a biased version of the events as they have happened in Israel and Occupied Palestine, with a view to show that most of the problems are rooted in Arab's or in particular Palestinian's way of dealing with Israel.
While the authors support the idea of America's engagement with the moderates and reformists in the Middle East they fail to provide their view about how America and the west should deal with hardliners and ultra-right sections of Israeli government.
What I found interesting was the chapter talking about engagement with Iran. Knowing that the book was written before the Iran's nuclear agreement with the west, it is quite impressive that the Authors had supported this idea that engagement with Iran would be a better choice than military conflict.