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The New Case Against Immigration: Both Legal and Illegal Hardcover
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This is an issue about 75% of Americans want controlled, and some of the reasons why our government is reluctant to do the right thing to accomodate the wishes of the CITIZENS it is elected to represent.
The New Case Against Immigration:
Both Legal and Illegal
(New York: Sentinel, 2008) 294 pages
(ISBN: 978-1-56523-035-5; hardcover)
(Library of Congress call number: JV6465.K75 2007)
Even advocates of immigration reform should read this book
because it gives the basic arguments against all forms of immigration.
Most readers will probably come to different conclusions,
recognizing that this author has selected facts and opinions
that favor further restricting immigration of all types.
Here are the basic points made in each chapter:
1. Assimilation has not worked for Hispanic immigrants
as it did for all previous waves of immigrants.
They have kept their own language and culture.
Future decades will prove whether or not this is correct.
2. Some areas of the USA are in danger of becoming majority Hispanic.
The author believes that this would change American for the worse.
If most voters had Hispanic backgrounds, how would they change America?
Krikorian quotes many Hispanics who want to 'take back'
the land in the southwest once part of Mexico.
Many examples of the Mexican government influencing American society:
courts, demonstrations, voting, law-enforcement, legislation.
All foreign governments have a right to protect their citizens abroad,
but has Mexico gone too far?
For example, is it legitimate for Mexican consulates
to help coordinate demonstrations for changing U.S. immigration laws?
In Mexico, foreigners are explicitly excluded from political activities.
3. The present system of immigration controls
did not prevent the 9-11-2001 attacks.
All of the highjackers had violated U.S. immigration laws.
But only one potential highjacker was detained before the attacks.
So many applications for visas, etc. are received
that there is tremendous pressure just to approve all of them
without looking at the details.
Very high percentages of fraud result.
Immigration officials would be able to do their jobs better
if there were far fewer people admitted into the USA.
4. Immigrants join the American labor force mostly at the lower levels.
This necessarily depresses wages for workers already in those jobs.
And because of lower educational levels,
immigrants do not rise as easily in the organizations for which they work.
Only in later generations do these disparities resolve.
Earlier waves of immigration came into an America
where most workers were not educated beyond high school.
And advanced education was not needed
for their agricultural and industrial employment.
But now most employers are asking for higher levels of education.
And high-skilled immigrants usually do have better jobs.
5. Because of the greater needs of immigrants,
at least at first, the various levels of government pay out more
for having immigrants than the immigrants contribute in tax-revenue.
When immigrants are already beyond employment age,
they cannot be expected to pay taxes.
But all will benefit from government programs of
welfare, education, health-care, public roads, etc.
Another government cost that is generally higher for immigrants
is the criminal justice system.
6. Most of the population increase in the USA is due to immigration.
But most people already living in America do not want a larger population.
Our qualify of life is generally not improved when more people try to live
in the same space occupied by fewer people in the previous generation.
Air, water, traffic, waste-disposal are all effected by a larger population.
7. The basic solution to all problems created by immigration
is to control the sheer number of people coming into the USA each year.
The author recommends cutting immigration by half
and eliminating many special provisions in current law.
Seven specific kinds of reform:
1. No jobs for unauthorized foreign nationals.
2. Every immigrant must be fully and correctly identified.
3. Close coordination between the IRS and immigration officials.
4. Using state and local law-enforcement to uphold immigration laws.
5. Keeping track of visa holders, making sure they leave as agreed.
6. Step up normal deportation of non-citizens.
7. Local and state laws should discourage immigrants without authorization.
Mark Krikorian has created a comprehensive book on immigration reform,
filled with thousands of relevant facts and reliable numbers.
He does not call for universal deportation of all foreign nationals.
Most will stay and be offered reasonable pathways to U.S. citizenship.
But for the protection of the people already living in the USA
and in order to preserve our good quality of life,
we should limit all future immigration.
Find reviews of similar books on the Internet under:
"Books on U.S. Immigration Reform".
The U.S. government first set immigration quotas since the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882. Arguments over whom and how many to admit have continued ever since, often centered on particular ethnic groups that were seen as undesirable. Mr. Krikorian mostly avoids these, though I question his contention that Mexico threatens U.S. sovereignty. This book argues for lower immigration primarily on economic, security, and population grounds.
I appreciated the lack of rant in this book. Nonetheless, it presents only anti-immigration arguments. If that’s not what you want, find a more balanced analysis.
(My husband bought this book, and I read it after he finished).
The USA is almost alone in the world in having been a country, in recent decades, where a majority of people had come to accept that any argument to limit legal immigration was morally reprehensible terrain that belonged only to racists. Thus, people concerned -- for a whole host of legitimate reasons -- with American immigration policy felt constrained to insist, hypocritically, that it was only ~illegal~ immigration that concerned them.
The fact that large waves of immigration have been good for America in the past does not by any means predict that similar levels of immigration would be beneficial in the future, a matter that Kirkorian examines in great detail.
Perhaps now, with this book, we can begin to have an honest, national conversation about immigration policy with the open-borders left less able to intimidate, browbeat, and marginalize any opponents of their agenda.
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