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New Deal or Raw Deal?: How FDR's Economic Legacy Has Damaged America Hardcover – November 4, 2008
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In this shocking and groundbreaking new book, economic historian Burton W. Folsom exposes the idyllic legend of Franklin D. Roosevelt as a myth of epic proportions. With questionable moral character and a vendetta against the business elite, Roosevelt created New Deal programs marked by inconsistent planning, wasteful spending, and opportunity for political gain -- ultimately elevating public opinion of his administration but falling flat in achieving the economic revitalization that America so desperately needed from the Great Depression. Folsom takes a critical, revisionist look at Roosevelt's presidency, his economic policies, and his personal life.
Elected in 1932 on a buoyant tide of promises to balance the increasingly uncontrollable national budget and reduce the catastrophic unemployment rate, the charismatic thirty-second president not only neglected to pursue those goals, he made dramatic changes to federal programming that directly contradicted his campaign promises. Price fixing, court packing, regressive taxes, and patronism were all hidden inside the alphabet soup of his popular New Deal, putting a financial strain on the already suffering lower classes and discouraging the upper classes from taking business risks that potentially could have jostled national cash flow from dormancy. Many government programs that are widely used today have their seeds in the New Deal. Farm subsidies, minimum wage, and welfare, among others, all stifle economic growth -- encouraging decreased productivity and exacerbating unemployment.
Roosevelt's imperious approach to the presidency changed American politics forever, and as he manipulated public opinion, American citizens became unwitting accomplices to the stilted economic growth of the 1930s. More than sixty years after FDR died in office, we still struggle with the damaging repercussions of his legacy.
- Print length336 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherThreshold Editions
- Publication dateNovember 4, 2008
- Dimensions6.12 x 1.16 x 9.25 inches
- ISBN-101416592229
- ISBN-13978-1416592228
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"History books and politicians in both parties sing the praises for Franklin Delano Roosevelt's presidency and its measures to get America out of the Great Depression. What goes unappreciated is the fact that many of those measures exacerbated and extended the economic downturn of the 1930s. New Deal or Raw Deal? is a careful documentation and analysis of those measures that allows us to reach only one conclusion: While President Roosevelt was a great man in some respects, his economic policy was a disaster. What's worse is that public ignorance of those policy failures has lent support for similar policies in later years. Professor Burt Folsom has produced a highly readable book and has done a yeoman's job in exposing the New Deal." -- Walter E. Williams, John M. Olin Distinguished Professor of Economics, George Mason University
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
THE MAKING OF THE MYTH:
FDR AND THE NEW DEAL
On May 9, 1939, Henry Morgenthau, Jr., the secretary of the treasury and one of the most powerful men in America, had a startling confession to make. He made this remarkable admission before the influential Democrats who ran the House Ways and Means Committee. As he bared his soul before his fellow Democrats, Morgenthau may have pondered the irony of his situation.
Here he was -- a major cabinet head, a man of great authority. The source of his power, of course, was his intimate friendship with President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. Morgenthau was the president's longtime neighbor, close confidant, and -- would be for over a decade -- his loyal secretary of the treasury. Few men knew the president better, talked with him more, or defended him more faithfully. Eleanor Roosevelt once said Morgenthau was one of only two men who could tell her husband "categorically" that he was wrong and get away with it. Roosevelt and Morgenthau liked to banter back and forth at cabinet meetings, pass each other secret notes, meet regularly for lunch, and talk frequently on the phone. Morgenthau cherished a photo of himself and the president in a car, side by side, friends forever, with Roosevelt's inscription: "To Henry," it read, "from one of two of a kind."
But in May 1939, Morgenthau had a problem. The Great Depression -- the most devastating economic catastrophe in American history -- was not only persisting, in some ways it was getting worse. Unemployment, for example, the previous month had again passed the 20 percent mark. Here was Morgenthau, the secretary of the treasury, an expert on finance, a fount of statistics on the American economy during the 1930s; his best friend was the president of the United States and the author of the New Deal; key public policy decisions had to go through Morgenthau to get a hearing. And yet, with all this power, Morgenthau felt helpless. After almost two full terms of Roosevelt and the New Deal, here are Morgenthau's startling words -- his confession -- spoken candidly before his fellow Democrats on the House Ways and Means Committee:
We have tried spending money. We are spending more than we have ever spent before and it does not work. And I have just one interest, and if I am wrong...somebody else can have my job. I want to see this country prosperous. I want to see people get a job. I want to see people get enough to eat. We have never made good on our promises....I say after eight years of this Administration we have just as much unemployment as when we started....And an enormous debt to boot!
In these words, Morgenthau summarized a decade of disaster, especially during the years Roosevelt was in power. Indeed average unemployment for the whole year in 1939 would be higher than that in 1931, the year before Roosevelt captured the presidency from Herbert Hoover. Fully 17.2 percent of Americans, or 9,480,000, remained unemployed in 1939, up from 16.3 percent, or 8,020,000 in 1931. On the positive side, 1939 was better than 1932 and 1933, when the Great Depression was at its nadir, but 1939 was still worse than 1931, which at that time was almost the worst unemployment year in U.S. history. No depression, or recession, had ever lasted even half this long.
Put another way, if the unemployed in 1931 under Hoover would have been lined up one after the other in three separate lines side by side, they would have extended from Los Angeles across the country to the border of Maine. In 1939, eight years later, the three lines of unemployed Americans would have lengthened, heading from the border of Maine south to Boston, then to New York City, to Philadelphia, to Washington, D.C., and finally into Virginia. That line of unemployed people from the border of Maine into Virginia was mostly added when Roosevelt was president.
We can visualize this hypothetical line of unemployed Americans, but what about the human story of their suffering. Who were some of them, and what were they thinking? In the line at Chicago, we would encounter salesman Ben Isaacs. "Wherever I went to get a job, I couldn't get no job," Isaacs said of the prolonged depression. "I went around selling razor blades and shoe laces. There was a day I would go over all the streets and come home with fifty cents, making a sale. That kept going until 1940, practically." Letters to President Roosevelt tell other stories. For example, in Chicago, a twelve-year-old Chicago boy wrote the president, "We haven't paid the gas bill, and the electric bill, haven't paid grocery bill for 3 months....My father he staying home. All the time he's crying because he can't find work. I told him why are you crying daddy, and daddy said why shouldn't I cry when there is nothing in the house." In our hypothetical unemployment line at Latrobe, Pennsylvania, we might see the man who wrote in 1934, "No home, no work, no money. We cannot go along this way. They have shut the water supply from us. No means of sanitation. We cannot keep the children clean and tidy as they should be." From Augusta, Georgia, in 1935 came this letter to the president: "I am eating flour bread and drinking water, and no grease and nothing in the bread....I aint even got bed[d]ing to sleep on...." But even he was better off than the man from Beaver Dam, Virginia, who wrote the president, "We right now, have no work, no winter bed clothes....Wife don't even have a winter coat. What are we going to do through these cold times coming on? Just looks we will have to freeze and starve together."
High unemployment was just one of many tragic areas that made the 1930s a decade of disaster. The Historical Statistics of the United States, compiled by the Census Bureau, fills out the rest of the grim picture. The stock market, which picked up in the mid-1930s, had a collapse later in the decade. The value of all stocks dropped almost in half from 1937 to 1939. Car sales plummeted one-third in those same years, and were lower in 1939 than in any of the last seven years of the 1920s. Business failures jumped 50 percent from 1937 to 1939; patent applications for inventions were lower in 1939 than for any year of the 1920s. Real estate foreclosures, which did decrease steadily during the 1930s, were still higher in 1939 than in any year during the next two decades.
Another disaster sign in the 1930s was the spiraling national debt. The United States had budget surpluses in 1930 and 1931, but soon government spending ballooned and far outstripped revenue from taxes. The national debt stood at $16 billion in 1931; by the end of the decade the debt had more than doubled to more than $40 billion. Put another way, the national debt during the last eight years of the 1930s, less than one decade, grew more than it had in the previous 150 years of our country's existence. From 1776 to 1931, the spending to support seven wars and at least five recessions was more than offset by the debt acquired during the 1930s. Put yet another way, if Christopher Columbus, on that October day when he discovered the New World, could have arranged to put $100 a minute in a special account to defray the American debt, by 1939 his account would not yet have accumulated enough cash to pay for just the national debt acquired in the 1930s alone. In other words, if we were to pay $100 a minute (in 1930s dollars) into a special '30s debt account, we would need more than 450 years to raise enough money to pay off the debt of that decade.
The economic travail of the New Deal years can also be seen in the seven consecutive years of unbalanced trade from 1934 to 1940. Much of our government spending during the decade went to prop up prices of wheat, shirts, steel, and other exports, which in turn, because of the higher prices, made them less desirable as exports to other countries. From 1870 to 1970, only during the depression years plus the year 1888 did the United States have an unfavorable balance of trade.
Hard times are often followed by social problems. The United States in the 1930s was no exception. For example, the American birthrate dropped sharply, and the country's population increased only 7 percent in that decade. During the more prosperous 1920s, by contrast, the birthrate was higher and the country's population increased 16 percent.
For many Americans, the prolonged Great Depression of the 1930s became a time of death. As one eighty-year-old wrote, "Now [December 1934] there are a lot of us [who] will choose suicide in preference to being herded into the poor house." Apparently, thousands of Americans agreed with her, because suicides increased from 1929 to 1930 and remained high throughout the 1930s. Equally sad were the people who gave up on life after prolonged despair and took their lives more subtly, through an accidental fall, reckless driving, or being hit by a train. All three of these categories hit record numbers of deaths per capita during the New Deal years.
The loss of the will to live was also reflected in life expectancy during the 1930s. When Franklin Roosevelt became president in 1933, life expectancy in the United States was 63.3 years. Since 1900, it had steadily increased sixteen years -- almost half a year each year of the first third of the twentieth century. In 1940, however, after more than seven years of the New Deal, life expectancy had dropped to 62.9 years. Granted, the slight decline during these years was not consistent -- two of the seven years showed an increase over 1933. But the steady increase in life expectancy from 1900 to 1933 and from 1940 to the end of the century was clearly interrupted only during the New Deal years.
The halt in improved life expectancy hit blacks even harder than whites. In 1933, black Americans could expect to live only 54.7 years, but in 1940 that had dropped to 53.1 years. Both before and after the Great Depression, the gap in life expectancy between blacks and whites had narrowed, but from 1933 to 1940 it actually widened. Strong indications are that blacks suffered more than whites during Roosevelt's first ter...
Product details
- Publisher : Threshold Editions; Third Printing edition (November 4, 2008)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 336 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1416592229
- ISBN-13 : 978-1416592228
- Item Weight : 1.14 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.12 x 1.16 x 9.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,369,567 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #983 in Economic Policy
- #1,299 in Economic Policy & Development (Books)
- #6,525 in Political Leader Biographies
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About the author

Burton W. Folsom is a professor of history at Hillsdale College in Michigan and senior historian at the Foundation for Economic Education in Irvington, New York. He is a regular columnist for The Freeman and has written articles for The Wall Street Journal and American Spectator, among other publications. He lives in Michigan.
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Interesting book.
This is a very well written and well researched book. A keeper.
It is not one I read cover to cover over two days. It's more a case of reading a chapter, digesting it, cross referencing it, and then moving on. The prose, to my taste, is a little on the heavy, slightly cumbersome side. It's not a novel. It's not a racy read, like perhaps Fleming writes. It's more of an economics history text book. What IS attractive is that the style is balanced, very fair, presenting BOTH SIDES of the arguments. That makes it a good research book. It avoids shrill indignation, or fatuous adulation. It is timely, with, on the one side, many advisers of Mr Obama, publicly touting some similar 'big government spending' policies and attitudes, whilst presenting them as excitingly new and original. That is historically simply not correct. Just read the book and see how intensely Roosevelt tried to wield the clout of Big Government. I believe this book gives a better insight into the arguments for and against the New Deal. I feel there was a well meaning idealism at work (former social workers Hopkins and Perkins et all meant well), Roosevelt indubitably (The First Hundred days, etc) was not a Coolidge, and put his back into it. But against that, this book raises again the shadow side of FDR and his policies, which today, only the true devotees choose to wholly ignore. The machinations, the sledge hammer political approach, the war on the "economic Royalists", the "court packing" fiasco, the cynical use of the IRS to persecute his detractors, the 'taxpayer dollar bombardment' of swing states, etc, etc. Many reasoned studies today attack FDR pretty furiously. Defenders of FDR mostly seem to just ignore such misguided babbling, and I'm always on the hunt for good, reasoned, New Deal apologies. However, let me say no matter which side you prefer, the extreme laissez faire minimalist Coolidge approach, or the heavy 'beneficient hand' of Big Government, you will find in this book many good summaries of the principle arguments, for and against.
Mr Obama himself, I suspect, knows more than some give him credit for, and is astute enough to know government stimulatory ('anti-cyclical')spending is a double edged sword, which needs very careful handling lest it cut the wrong way. The deficit economic theories of Keynes (who met with Roosevelt, and didn't get along too well) have been widely challenged. Many argue against them, saying "Tried, tested...and failed". However,others hold a polar opposite view, and argue that FDR should have spent more, not less, and that the same massive government spending today,in 2009, is the only way forward. Still others allege a common misconception exists today of what Keynes was actually saying!
However, read the book and draw your own conclusions. And enjoy, as I did, checking thoughtfully on the historic 1930's backdrop to today's intense economic debate. The stakes... are high.
I have a lot of areas highlighted. Some examples:
"Federal Aid encourages the expectations of paternal care on the part of Government and weakens the sturdiness of our national character".(p.77)
"This historic shift to using federal dollars for local relief profoundly changed the American work ethic" (p.81)
"Such a system tended to make liars out of everyone involved. Governors and mayors would shed abundant tears telling Hopkins and Roosevelt of their financial hardships; Hopkins and Roosevelt then listened and pretended to dispense FERA money solely on the basis of need, not on political considerations." (p.82)
(p.132) "Forbes magazine protested that "a fundamental motive of the New Deal is to wage war against bigness in business."
(p.132) Roosevelt encouraged this fight and tore into business in his State of the Union message in January 1936. He condemned the "selfish power" and the old 'resplendent economic autocracy' that was fighting his 'new instruments of public power.' Roosevelt added, "In the hands of a people's Government this power is wholesome and proper. But in the hands of political puppets of an economic autocracy such power would provide shackles for the liberties of the people."
Hm. You can imagine the raucous cheers. These are fighting words, unquestionably encouraging a class hatred. Was that good for America? If you love FDR, and many people do, I fully respect that, then you are however faced with the requirement to face the often heard complaint that the entrepreneurial class (ranging from small to big) was discouraged from launching new business ventures and investments, and creating employment. Uncertainty undermined confidence.
Next question might be: "Did that matter?" If you feel it didn't matter, then I would like to hear your reasoning, and your notion of what America stands for.
I hate to say it, but if you like FDR and his policies, then you will probably growl your way through this book. Folsom does not pull any punches.
(p.133) "Roosevelt's next step was to impose yet another tax on business - this one a tax on all undistributed corporate profits."
(P.133) "Businessmen may have been nearly unanimous in criticizing this new tax on profits, but Roosevelt believed it was a vote-getter in November, and throughout the election year he hammered away at "economic royalists" and "malefactors of great wealth".
I don't doubt it WAS a vote-getter. Good for Roosevelt. The question one might ask: Was it good for the country?
And one I really chuckled about, "With so much help from most reporters in so many areas, Roosevelt sometimes became careless in telling the truth." (p.228)
"So much help from most reporters in so many area" is a criticism, no, a devastating condemnation of the impartiality/objectivity of the media at that time. Many of course make the same somber assessment of today's trendy so-called 'liberal' media. Who, oddly enough, don't seem to be alarmed at the steady non-liberal (in the old, classic sense) erosion of freedom, and the ever growing boot print of bigger and bigger central government. This book illuminates some of the cynical,manipulative origins of this insidious, ongoing process. The unethical undermining of American democracy's (beautifully eloquent) founding idealism, and its replacement with a 'no holds barred', and 'the end justifies the means' approach to fooling and bamboozling the voting masses. (Many of whom were tragically desperate, and aching for the coming of a true savior.) How an elite, puffed up with hubris, arrogant and inflexible, dragged down the Old Jeffersonian America. If it ever existed?
But against that, I think it also shows the tragedy of good intentions, real problems, real hurt, real despair. I refuse to believe there was not a great deal of good in the motivations of many of the key New Deal players.Some led extraordinarily dedicated lives. Good did come out of it. As usual, nothing is black and white.
If you are considering this book, check out the "contents" page. It is laid out well, very clear, and it makes it very easy to leaf back and forwards afterward and look something up.
This is an excellent read. Now I need to go read another book which is more sympathetic to FDR, and once again contrast the arguments. I'm wide open to reading suggestions. I have several more FDR books on my wish list, and I shall review them all over time. Trying very hard not to be biased, and willing to sincerely weigh all counter arguments...
Peace. Enjoy the read.
PS: Please "comment" constructively if you feel I am missing the point, or if you can recommend further reading to illustrate positive New Deal accomplishments not properly brought out in this book.
For starters, FDR's own secretary of the treasury said that after nearly 8 years, unemployment is no better than it was when "we started...And an enormous debt to boot!"
According to the book, a prevailing myth is that Republican Herbert Hoover's "free market" agenda created the Depression and FDR altered the course to help the country out. In reality, it was Hoover's big government policies (increased taxes and tariffs) that kicked off the Depression. While campaigning against Hoover, FDR correctly called the spade the dirty shovel in citing Hoover's increasing of spending, taxes, and debt. However, when he took office, he actually followed Hoover's lead with taxes and big government, and took it to a whole new level and extended the Depression to last over a decade.
Some highlights of failed New Deal policies in the book:
- NIRA: fixed prices, wages, and commerce. Threw people in jail for selling at a lower price. Hurt the economy until being ruled unconstitutional.
- AAA: paid farmers to not farm and slaughter their own animals in an effort to decrease supply and increase prices. This hurt everyone except the farmers who exploited the system until it was ruled unconstitutional.
- WPA: a "stimulus" package to send government money to create government jobs in an attempt to help unemployment. Instead of sending money where it was most needed (like a solid democrat state like Tennessee), it was sent mostly to swing states (like New Jersey) and helped "purchase" the 1936 election with a 46-2 state victory for FDR. The use of this to influence Democratic primary elections later prompted a Democrat to push for the Hatch Act to stop such corruption.
- Court packing: that pesky supreme court kept ruling FDR's New Deal unconstitutional and shortly after starting the second term in 1937, he attempted to add up to 6 justices to the court so that he could pass whatever he wanted. Most Democrats in congress feared his power mongering and it was shot down 70-20 in the Senate.
- Executive Order in 1942 to change the top income tax bracket to start at $25,000 and tax at 100%. It would be a cap on income.
Finally, the legacy of the "New Deal coalition" - where the Democrats have maintained power by using government money for programs targeted toward certain groups, such as the Wagner Act to support unions, Social Security, Welfare, etc. This has has encouraged presidents to "purchase" votes by putting in place or expanding programs to benefit those groups at the expense of the majority of the population. While some Republicans did fight these head-on, others just tried to one-up the Democrats and increase the benefits even more, which has only made the situation worse.
Overall, the author is not one to attack Roosevelt as a Republican partisan, as he provides ample evidence of Republican failures (in particular Hoover) as well. He also has praise for Democrat Grover Cleveland who refused to use public money for relief for fear to corrupt the political system. After seeing some 1-star reviews from folks who seem to have not even read the book, I would suggest that anyone check his sources if there is doubt - it is easy to validate his facts.
After reading this, it gives a whole new understanding of what the politicians are doing today. Unfortunately, if the myth prevails that FDR helped the country from the depression, history is doomed to be repeated.
Top reviews from other countries
As a somewhat new reader to this area, I appreciated the detail that the author gave, and it was so engaging to read about his life in a story format. Moreover, I really felt that the “legend” of FDR was thoroughly demolished.
However, the greatest contribution of the book was probably how it shows with detailed references how FDR used the New Deal programs first and foremost as a way to extend his personal power, buy votes, and demolish his political enemies. The author also spends a good deal of time telling the story of FDR’s personal life. In this way, the author then links FDR’s many personal failings and lack of character in his early life with the ultimately misguided and not well thought out new deal policies. The reader is finally left very unsurprised that the many failed programs ultimately degenerate into nothing more than a means for FDR to maintain his power base.
Lastly, my one critique of the book is that it felt like the author missed the mark somewhat on unmasking the myth of FDR in the area of money and banking. Specifically, the author seems to almost agree with FDR as doing a good thing by taking the US off the gold standard. Several authors have pointed out that the federal reserve at the time had plenty of gold and there was no real threat to redeemability. See eg Lawrence Reed (with lectures on Youtube)
Also, the author identifies the federal reserve contraction as a possible major cause of the depression and then ignores FDR’s policy towards fed policy for the next ten years. The analysis feels incomplete in this regard. By contrast, many authors have suggested ways in which the US could have reshaped the banking system to eliminate it’s many shortcomings, thereby allowing for the fed to be ultimately abolished and allowing for a much faster economic recovery. See eg George Selgin and Lawrence White (with lectures on Youtube).
Un niveau d'anglais moyen est suffisant pour comprendre cet exposé.
Studnets of American affairs should read this












