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![The New Silk Roads: The New Asia and the Remaking of the World Order by [Peter Frankopan]](https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/61SS20Nac6L._SY346_.jpg)
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The New Silk Roads: The New Asia and the Remaking of the World Order Kindle Edition
Peter Frankopan
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LanguageEnglish
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PublisherVintage
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Publication dateMarch 26, 2019
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File size5351 KB
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Editorial Reviews
Review
-Kirkus
International Praise for The New Silk Roads:
“Masterly mapping out of a new world order… Peter Frankopan has gone up in the world since his bestselling Silk Roads history was published to great acclaim in 2015—and deservedly so.”
–Justin Marozzi, Evening Standard
“Frankopan has written another valuable and idiosyncratic book. He has the gift of perspective— the capacity to see the wood for the trees—which he combines with a Tolstoyan knack for weaving little details into the broader sweep of human affairs.”
–Jamie Susskind, The Daily Telegraph
“Frankopan is a brilliant guide to terra incognita.”
–Niall Ferguson, Sunday Times
“A pacy, bang-up-to-date exploration of how China’s commercial and political heft is changing the way the world works.”
–James Kynge, Financial Times
“Frankopan has written as prescient a modern history as possible … [His] skill is that he able to step back a few more paces from the world map and global events than most modern commentators, whilst encouraging us to use history as a way of looking forward than regressing into the past.”
–Joseph Wilkins, Total Politics
“A compelling, accessible account of the shift in global economic power... For anyone with an interest in global politics.”
–Nicole Abedee, Financial Review
“If you are only going to read one non-fiction book in the coming year, let it be The New Silk Roads by Dr. Frankopan... This book has all the answers and some more.”
–Qudsia Sajjad, News on Sunday
"[D]iverting, eclectic and has serious intent. Its thesis that Eurasia is developing a sense of cohesion, largely powered by China’s restless ambition, is a sound one."
–Roger Boyes, The Times
“Entertaining. . . . Peter Frankopan has a sharp eye for startling facts, and no reader will leave The New Silk Roads with her sense of the state of the world unchanged”
—Richard Drayton, Times Literary Supplement
"A state of the world address… Energetic…pin-sharp, up-to-date."
–Ben East, The National (UAE)
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Twenty-five years ago, when I was about to leave university, the world seemed a different place. The Cold War was over, leading to hopes for peace and prosperity. “The heroic deeds of Boris Yeltsin and the Russian people” had steered Russia onto a course of reform and democracy, said President Bill Clinton at a meeting with the Russian president in Vancouver in 1993. The prospect of a “newly productive and prosperous Russia” was good for everyone, he noted.
Hopeful times lay ahead too in South Africa, where fraught negotiations to end apartheid had advanced sufficiently for the Nobel committee to award the Peace Prize for 1993 to F. W. de Klerk and Nelson Mandela for “their work for the peaceful termination of the apartheid regime, and for laying the foundations for a new democratic South Africa.” The award of the prestigious prize was a moment of hope for South Africa, for Africa and for the world—even if it later emerged that many of Mandela’s closest confidants urged him not to accept the prize if it meant having to share it with a man they referred to as “his oppressor.” Mandela insisted, however, that forgiveness was a vital part of reconciliation.
Things looked promising in the Korean peninsula, where, in an echo of the discussions that took place in 2018, an outline agreement was reached between the US and North Korea to great fanfare about the peaceful reunification of Korea and about a pathway for denuclearisation that was welcomed as a significant step forward for non-proliferation and also for a safer region and for a safer world.
In 1993, an important agreement was also reached between China and India that established the framework for dealing with disputed border issues that had been a source of rivalry and bitterness for three decades—while both sides also agreed to reduce troop levels along the frontier and work together towards a conclusion that was mutually acceptable. This was important for both countries at a time when economic expansion and liberalisation was at the forefront for their respective political leaders. In China, Deng Xiaoping had recently undertaken a tour of the southern provinces to press for faster social, political and financial reforms, and to deal with hardliners who opposed the liberalisation of markets that had seen the stock exchange open in communist China in Shanghai in 1990.
South Korea’s transformation was already well under way. In the 1960s, the country had been one of the poorest in the world, with no natural resources and an unpromising location at the eastern extremity of Asia. Its transformation into an economic superpower that is home to companies like Samsung, Hyundai Motor and Hanwha Corporation—each of which has more than $100bn in assets—has led some commentators to talk of South Korea as “the most successful country in the world.”
In India, as elsewhere, there was a push for growth in the early 1990s—although few expected much from a small software company that struggled to list its stock in Mumbai in February 1993. Despite its size and potential, India was an economic minnow and the technology sector was tiny and untested. Those who were brave and bought shares in Infosys Technologies did well if they held on to their stock. The company reported an operating profit for the year ended 31 March 2018 of over $2.6bn. Shares were worth turnover of more than $10bn. Shares were worth 4,000 times more than they had been twenty-five years earlier.
The foundation of a new airline in a small Gulf State seemed like a long shot, too. Founded in November 1993, Qatar Airways began operating two months later in what many assumed would be a modest operation that handled a few local routes, for which demand would be minimal. Today, the airline has a fleet of over 200 aircraft, more than 40,000 staff and flies to over 150 destinations—winning armfuls of accolades that few would have thought possible two and a half decades ago. In April 2018, it agreed to buy 25 per cent of the shares of Moscow’s Vnukovo International Airport—the third largest in Russia.
Of course, good news did not abound everywhere in 1993, as a truck bomb at the World Trade Center in New York and a coordinated series of bombings in Mumbai that killed more than 250 people showed. Sarajevo, a city already famous for the assassination of Franz Ferdinand and the road to war in 1914 endured a siege by Bosnian Serb forces that lasted longer than the Battle of Stalingrad during the Second World War. Scenes of snipers shooting at civilians as they crossed the streets became commonplace, as did terrible images of the devastation caused by mortars being fired into the city from the neighbouring hills. The reappearance of concentration camps in Europe, and of genocide at Srebrenica and Gorazde in the mid-1990s, provided a brutal reminder that even the most horrifying lessons from the past can be easily forgotten.
Some of the troubles of the early 1990s were more familiar. In Britain, for example, political discourse was shaped by poisonous debates about membership in the European Union and calls for a referendum. These almost brought down the government, and led to the prime minister, John Major, referring to members of his own cabinet as “bastards.”
*
These events are all in the recent past. And yet they now feel distant and seem to evoke a different age. I listened to an album called Pablo Honey by a promising new band called Radiohead as I prepared for my final exams in the summer of 1993. Little did I know that the most prophetic song of the year was not “Creep”—which has gone on to have been streamed more than a quarter of a billion times on Spotify—but one that won at the Oscars that year. “A whole new world,” Aladdin promised Jasmine, “a new fantastic point of view.” Indeed, she agreed. “A whole new world, a dazzling place I never knew.” A song based on a story from and set along the past of the Silk Roads foretold its future.
That whole new world can be seen nowhere more clearly than by comparing the game of football in England in 1993 and today. A week before finals started in Cambridge, I watched a replay of the FA Cup final between Arsenal and Sheffield Wednesday, which was almost as dull and dour as the drawn first match. Of the players who featured in the match (including substitutes), all but three came from the British Isles. Twenty-five years later, the final between Chelsea and Manchester United was an equally underwhelming occasion—but the composition of the teams was radically different: just six of the twenty-seven who played at Wembley were born in the United Kingdom or Ireland. The others came from all over the world, including Spain, France, Nigeria and Ecuador.
If that tells a story about the pace of globalisation in the course of a generation, then perhaps even more striking is the dramatic change in the ownership of English football clubs over the same period. Not long ago, the idea that leading teams would have foreign owners would have been dismissed as the stuff of fantasy—at a time when even a foreign accent in the boardroom would have had club directors spluttering into their tea and choking on their pork pies at half-time. But today, many of the most famous names in English and European football have owners from abroad. And many come from the lands of the Silk Roads.
In some ways, that is not surprising. After all, although the game was codified in London in 1863, football was not invented in England. According to FIFA, the international body that governs the sport, football was first attested in Han-dynasty China (206 bc–ad 220), where a game that involved players kicking a leather ball filled with feathers into a net held up by two bamboo rods was known as cuju.
Even so, it is a long way to go from the origins of the game to noting that all the great teams from in and around Birmingham—including Aston Villa, West Bromwich Albion, Birmingham City and Wolverhampton Wanderers—have been bought by Chinese owners since The Silk Roads was published in 2015. In 2017, meanwhile, two of the giants of Italian football that share the magnificent San Siro stadium— AC and Inter Milan—were also sold to Chinese buyers.
Then there are the owners of England’s—and Europe’s—finest teams who come from the Gulf. Manchester City, who dominated all domestic competition to win the English Premier League in 2018 by a record margin, are owned by Mansour bin Zayed al Nayhan, who is also deputy prime minister of the United Arab Emirates. The team has a parallel in Paris Saint-Germain, who strolled to the French Ligue 1 title in the same year with equal ease, and whose Qatari owners were able to provide the team with two new players—Neymar and Kylian Mbappé—by signing them the previous summer for transfer fees that exceeded more than €350m (before salaries and bonuses).
Everton FC’s majority owner is Farhad Moshiri, who was born in Iran but now lives in Monaco, who made his fortune working alongside Alisher Usmanov, a businessman from Uzbekistan, whose investments in Russia, Central Asia and elsewhere have made him worth more than $15bn—and enabled him to buy a significant stake in Arsenal Football Club. For a time, Usmanov wanted to buy control, but was thwarted by the complex shareholder structure. Arsenal fans had pleaded with him not to sell his shares before he finally disposed of them in the summer of 2018. But for years, the fate of a proud and famous football club hung on the decision of an Uzbek magnate.
Once upon a time, rich Englishmen would head to Europe as part of the Grand Tour, frolicking in cities like Venice, Naples, Florence and Rome, admiring and being inspired by their art and architecture, and with some buying up paintings, drawings, sculptures, manuscripts and even entire contents of houses to take home with them. These were the spoils of the rising wealth and commercial and military success that turned a small island in the North Atlantic into a global superpower. Now the trophies to show off are the World Cup football tournament, successfully bid for by Russia and Qatar, the Winter Olympics (held at Sochi in 2014) and magnificent art galleries—such as the new Louvre, located not in Paris but Abu Dhabi, or the new V&A museum that is not in London’s Albertopolis but in Shenzhen. Then there is the stunning Rem Koolhaas-designed Garage Museum of Modern Art in Moscow, or the Winter Sports Complex in Ashgabat, Turkmenistan, a venue that is considerably bigger than Madison Square Garden.
In the eighteenth century, one British traveller set off on his journey to Italy “being impatiently desirous of viewing a country so famous in history, which once gave laws to the world.” Today that has changed, and now it is Britain’s history that has come to be admired, its laws and its courts used to settle disputes and agree divorce settlements, and its trophies hunted and bought by the new great and good—such as football clubs or statement assets like world-famous flagship stores Harrods and Hamleys, Canary Wharf, “the Walkie-Talkie” building at 20 Fenchurch Street in the City, or media outlets like the Independent and the Evening Standard, all of which have owners with Chinese, Russian or Emirati backgrounds.
It is the same story in the United States, where the Brooklyn Nets basketball franchise, the New York Post, the Waldorf Astoria and the Plaza Hotel in New York, and Warner Music are just some of the flagship businesses and brands that have been bought outright or as partnerships by investors both from and with close links to Russia, the Middle East and China.
These also include, as it happens, Legendary Entertainment, the Hollywood studio behind Jurassic Park, which was the box-office smash of the summer of 1993—and one of the rewards I enjoyed after finishing my exams. That is now part of Wang Jianlin’s Dalian Wanda Group Company—which also owns the Odeon, UCI, Carmike and Hoyts cinema chains in Europe, the US and Australia (with a total of more than 14,000 screens), as well as Sunseeker yachts and Infront Sports and Media—which holds the exclusive broadcast rights to sporting events that include the 2018 and 2022 football World Cup.
Naturally, while some of these businesses might qualify as hobbies and passions to be indulged, many represent serious as well as big-ticket investments. They are based on a great movement of global GDP over the last twenty-five years, with more than 800 million being lifted above the poverty line since the 1980s in China alone. While the setting of what constitutes “poverty” is a matter of debate for development economists and others, there can be little doubt that the pace as well as the extent of China’s growth is astonishing. In 2001, China’s GDP was 39 per cent of that of the US (on a purchasing power parity); that rose to 62 per cent by 2008. By 2016, China’s GDP was 114 per cent that of the United States, measured on the same basis—and is likely to rise both further and sharply in the next five years. --This text refers to an alternate kindle_edition edition.
Product details
- ASIN : B07JYPSNL4
- Publisher : Vintage (March 26, 2019)
- Publication date : March 26, 2019
- Language : English
- File size : 5351 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Print length : 338 pages
- Lending : Not Enabled
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Best Sellers Rank:
#187,311 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- #58 in 21st Century World History
- #60 in Globalization (Kindle Store)
- #176 in Economic Conditions (Kindle Store)
- Customer Reviews:
Customer reviews
Top reviews from the United States
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This book reads like a political commentary catered to readers with strong negative feelings toward the current US administration. The emphasis would be justified if brexit, Trump, and other similar events in the past few years turned out to be historical pivotal events, but we do not know, and this is a question best left to future generations of historians.
As a fan of his first book, I wished he did not write this book. There are plenty of books on China's ambitions, there are plenty of books arguing for and against the current US adminstration, and there are no shortage of books on the US China relationship. This book adds neither new material nor insights. Other than the catchy title, I don't recall learning anything from reading this book.
As a former diplomat, professor of international relations, and harsh critic of Trump's foreign policy (as well as the Iraq War and other U.S. misadventures), I find a few items in The New Silk Roads that might influence my views. But there is no real framework for evaluating the abundance of repetitive and random facts (or, more often, reports and statements) that fill paragraph after mind-numbing paragraph in this book. It is not a difficult read; Frankopan is a good writer. But it is a terribly light read. There is no indication at all that Frankopan did serious research for this volume. And his evaluation of sources is terribly wanting -- a serious shortcoming for a professional historian.
I have not read Frankopan's earlier The Silk Roads. It must be vastly better than this, given the reviews. The New Silk Roads was certainly inspired by the earlier volume. Inspired, it seems, by the thought "I can make a lot more money without any real work."
Top reviews from other countries

Peter Frankopan sees, all across Asia, a strong sense of states trying to work together and to elide their interests while putting differences behind them. Chief among these is the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’, President Xi of China‘s signature economic and foreign policy, which uses the ancient Silk Roads – and their success – as a matrix for Chinese long term planning. Since the project was announced in 2013, nearly $1 trillion has been promised for infrastructure investments, mainly in the form of loans, to around 1,000 projects.
Peter Frankopan describes in some detail the Roads to the East, being Russia, Pakistan, India and the Middle East; the Road to the Heart of the world including Iran, Kazakstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan , Afghanistan, Georgia and Turkey.
One reason for the optimism across the heart of Asia is the immense natural resources of the area. The Middle East, Russia and Central Asia account for 70% of proven oil resources, 65% of natural gas resources, 75% of silicon, 85% of rare earths like yttrium, dysprosium, and terbium, which are essential for super-magnets, batteries, actuators and laptops, and 80% of world heroin production.
But Frankopan maintains the Initiative is not just driven by raw materials. As opposed to Trump’s inconsistent and adversarial behaviour, he maintains that President Xi’s international relations are based on win-win cooperation. He is moving to fill a vacuum left by the US and Europe’s isolationist and self- indulgent politics and to provide Chinese leadership that emphasises the benefits of mutual cooperation.
The Initiative is by no means plain sailing. The rivalry with the US and the imposition of sweeping tariffs by Trump is examined, military disputes in the South China Seas, the conflict between India and Pakistan and the risks of indebtedness and non payment of loans are all discussed.
Peter Frankopan contrasts the collaborative approach of the Chinese with the arbitrary, isolationist and short term nature of Trump’s foreign policies. And quotes numerous examples of the contradictions of US strategy. For instance, Saudi Arabia has become the pillar of US policy in the Middle East. One reason is its oil wealth but another is the prodigious amount of money it spends on US weapons. But Russia is active in wooing Saudi Arabia, including fighting alongside it in Syria. With the US’s Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, US arms sales are prohibited to any nation that buys Russian weapons. This means that if Saudi Arabia, Turkey and others can be persuaded by Moscow to switch allegiances, then they fall decisively out of Washington’s orbit.
Compared to the Silk Roads and Asia, Europe is not so much moving at a different speed as in a different direction. Where the story of Asia is about increasing connections, improving collaboration and deepening cooperation, in Europe the story is about separation, the re-erection of barriers and ‘taking back control.’ Brexit provides good example of this, but so do rising anti-EU movements in Italy, Germany, Poland, Hungary and elsewhere – and support by hundreds of thousands of people for independence in Scotland and Catalonia.
Frankopan quotes King Zhao who ruled China nearly 2,500 years ago and declared ‘a talent for following the ways of yesterday is not sufficient to improve the world of today.’ Understanding what is driving change is the first step in being able to prepare and adapt to it. The fact is that the Silk Roads are rising. How they develop, evolve and change will shape the world of the future.
Hard to argue. Certainly a sobering and topical book.

1) Refuse to touch the actual reasons behind events. The book mentions that Syria and Iraq are in chaos, as if this simply came to be. Whose fault is that? Everybody knows, yet being written by a Westerner, the author refuses to even remotely say anything about it. At least in my opinion, the prospects of countries wanting to co-operate with China and not wanting to co-operate with the West, i would have naively thought that whether or not they have been invaded and destroyed by the US-of-A will most probably play a role in their decisions. None of the catastrophic consequences of Western foreign policy are seriously discussed.
2) Refuse to touch the actual reasons which underline the decline of the West, which are: DE-industrialization, exploitation of the labor via "flexible" working and zero-hour contracts which have destroyed the purchasing power of millions of citizens of the western countries, at the moment when many more millions of workers see their income soar in the East,
3) Witch-hunting about Russia and "election-meddling" at every opportunity, at the moment when even the very same US Congress reached the conclusion that there was no "collusion" or any involvement of Russia whatsoever (Although to be fair , the book was written in 2018 and those findings were not out yet. But then again, neither was the "meddling" ever proved, so why does the book take the liberty to present it as actual fact?).
4) Reference of the-death-of-500,000-iraqi-children-was-worth-it, Madeleine Albright in expressing opinion about democracy (page 43).
5) The author clearly is not comfortable with concepts like the will of the majority, since we see in inverse quotations ('the will of the people') references to the Democratic election of the British people to exit the EU. In a similar vein, not even Western-planted elections observers had anything to comment regarding the elections processes in Russia. Yet the "author" calls president Putin 'dictatorial'. Do I need to ask whether the "author" has even visited Russia, or whether has he ever talked with the Russian people itself to hear how the 'dictatorial president' has led Russia to the most prosperous era in the entire history of the country (What Putin calls: "Historical justice")?
6) Labeling Venezuela a 'failed state' as if the "author" is oblivious to the war america has raged on the country, since President Chavez nationalized the country's oil resources and took them away from Private american oil corporations.
This is clearly a book written by a mainstream westerner: a neo-liberal westerner of the the typical, irresponsible type.

The development of AI and robotics in Russia and China, with their enormous potential military applications, place the world at a point of great uncertainty. This all makes for sobering reading. We must hope China uses its new position of emerging world leadership wisely to preserve the peace and to live up to the fine words of its leadership.
Beautifully written, erudite and engaging, this is an excellent addendum to the fine 'Silk Roads' by the same author


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