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No Exit: North Korea, Nuclear Weapons and International Security (Adelphi Book 418) Kindle Edition
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But what motivates Pyongyang to disregard UN censure and circumvent its sanctions, selling weapons and technology to fund its nuclear programme? Why does it remain one of the world’s most militaristic societies, through years of economic penury and hardship? And after two nuclear tests and repeated incidents between the forces of the ROK and the DPRK, what are the prospects for peace and stability on the peninsula? In this account of the regime, the Kims’ deep investment in nationalism is analysed in the context of the great political upheavals of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the rise of China. This Adelphi looks at the events and ideas that shaped North Korean identity, as well as the factors influencing the great powers’ reactions.
- Publication dateApril 8, 2014
- LanguageEnglish
- File size964 KB
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About the Author
Jonathan D. Pollack is Professor of Asian and Pacific Studies at the Naval War College, Newport, Rhode Island.
--This text refers to the hardcover edition.Product details
- ASIN : B00JKNRCZY
- Publisher : The International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) (April 8, 2014)
- Publication date : April 8, 2014
- Language : English
- File size : 964 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Screen Reader : Supported
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Not Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Sticky notes : On Kindle Scribe
- Print length : 249 pages
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,040,513 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- #227 in Arms Control (Kindle Store)
- #803 in Arms Control (Books)
- #3,011 in International Relations (Kindle Store)
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Pollack starts out by elaborating on the Korea-first identity, the very notion on which North Korea was built. North Korea has its own distinctive version of adversarial nationalism that legitimized the state in an internal context and provided the foundation upon which it interacted with the outside world. After fighting guerrilla wars in Manchuria in his early life, the Great Leader Kim Il-sung saw himself as a survivor in a hostile world. Returning to Korea after 26 years in exile, he established the Korean People's Army (KPA) and later founded the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). He distrusted those outside his immediate circle of subordinates. Thus, echoing the Korean dynastic tradition of hereditary rule, Kim established that power should be passed from father to son, an accomplishment unprecedented in Marxist-Leninist history. He introduced the highly enforced ideology of juche. Though often translated as "self-reliance," it is better characterized as "self-determination," meaning that North Korea can get whatever it needs from different sources in the international system but external factors do not control its fate.
Kim wanted to make North Korea an impregnable fortress answerable to no outside forces, and nuclear weapons were a large part of the strategy. It is not yet known when exactly Kim made the decision to develop a nuclear program in North Korea, though it was probably in the early 1970s when China and the former Soviet Union began to pursue détente with the United States. To provide the context of North Korea's nuclear development, Pollack tries to avoid making assumptions but draws significantly upon sources from within North Korea, including the official daily newspaper Rodong Sinmun, news from the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA), official statements of the DPRK Foreign Ministry, and interviews with Korean and Chinese experts who had been highly involved in the North's nuclear development. According to Pollack's analysis, Kim Il-sung had three major considerations for nuclear development. First, he was doubtful of Beijing's and Moscow's unconditional and indefinite support of his ambitions and plans. He was also envious and fearful of the South's covert nuclear activities. Finally, the North Korean leader was gravely concerned about his regime's longer-term prospects, especially the impending leadership succession. Kim decided that North Korean power, identity, strategic interests, and longevity would be better preserved with nuclear weapons than without.
The North's sense of crisis was reignited when the communist world began to witness sea changes in the late 1980s. Accompanied by the growing urgency of leadership succession in the early 1990s, North Korea announced its withdrawal from the Nonproliferation Treaty in 1993. The Great Leader passed away the following year. With the death of Kim Il-sung, Pollack warns that the door to definitive denuclearization may have closed, considering that Kim Il-sung was the leader with the stature to engage in high-level nuclear diplomacy and to possibly consider the ultimate abandonment of nuclear weapons.
In conclusion, Pollack rightly suggests that any assessment of the nuclear issue must begin with the future of North Korea itself. Pollack identifies a collective failure of the international community to prevent or inhibit North Korean nuclear development. During this period, North Korea has become more invested in a nuclear identity. As it stands now, North Korea does not feel under any acute pressure to abandon its nuclear capabilities. Pollack suggests that seeking "moral clarity" solely from the U.S. vantage point and acting hostilely toward North Korea are not only futile but also dangerous. Practicing "strategic patience" is far from enough either, considering that China remains prepared to serve as North Korea's last resort. Discussion with North Korea may be more fruitful than discussion about North Korea.
This book is a great resource for anyone who wants to learn more about the North Korean nuclear strategy in both the academic and policy realms. It is mostly told from the Korean vantage point, so it serves as a useful complement to the relatively rich, inside-the-Beltway literature on the development of U.S. policy toward North Korea. Only with a good understanding of the North Korean ideology can the U.S. and the international community produce effective policy to halt nuclear buildup in North Korea and possibly denuclearize the Korean peninsula when windows of opportunity emerge.





