This is an interesting effort to solve the imbalance created by globalization, automation, falling education, and ill-conceived public policy than has rendered a society out of balance with some very fortunate winners and a mass of losers. Oren Cass’s presentation is extracted from various previous publications in National Review, National Affairs, and City Journal in recent years.
“American public policy has lost its way. Since the middle of the last century, it has chased national economic growth, expecting that the benefits would be widely shared. Yet while gross domestic product (GDP) tripled from 1975 to 2015, the median worker’s wages have barely budged. Half of Americans born in 1980 were earning less at age thirty than their parents had made at that age. Millions of people have dropped out of the labor force entirely.” (p. 1)
What he does well is to examine what can be done to regenerate WORK as a solution worth pursuing. Here he takes apart government agencies that enhance the cost of production such as the E.P.A. whose rulings if ignored would lower cost and thus raise demand and job opening using analysis based on cost-benefit calculations. How important is ‘clean air’ and how much does it cost in lost output? There are sound elements to such critiques of existing governmental actions all totaled on the Libertarian side that would raise job opening.
What is more interesting is his critique of Education as it has been modeled with collage entry as a goal but the weak outcomes in terms of percentages of completion and fit to the world as it is in process. He picks up European models of ‘tracking’ and vocational training linked to apprentice programs with business, labor and governmental support as well fitting youth to economic needs if instructor can be found.
More exciting is his opening of redoing the labor markets where unions, he see a ‘relic of the Great Depression’ and in demise, reinstituted as Co-ops with worker input and management cooperation seeking production solutions and with worker rather the OSHA determined safety standards. Here he joins a topic that is bubbling up to the surface right and left, Gar Alperovitz’s, America Beyond Capitalism as a classic example for the left. Co-ops too could be linked with educational programs fitting youth’s needs for employment.
The Once and Future Worker leaves little un-discussed on the topic of jobs and their creation but is heavy on philosophical views that wander away from the topic and have the paradoxical quality of condemning government agencies, but making proposals that would require them as well. He hopes for a change in national attitudes.
He concludes: “…the nation’s long-term prosperity, is more important than climate change and transgender rights and a ban on semiautomatic rifles, surely it rises at least to that level. People should treat it as such.” (p. 214)
Could we have them all?
An enjoyable read for social scientists.
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The Once and Future Worker: A Vision for the Renewal of Work in America Hardcover – November 13, 2018
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Oren Cass
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Print length272 pages
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Publication dateNovember 13, 2018
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Dimensions6.25 x 1 x 9.25 inches
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ISBN-101641770147
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ISBN-13978-1641770149
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“Oren Cass has accomplished the rare feat of not only saying something truly new and innovative about our society, but also doing it in a readable, engrossing way. The Once and Future Worker is a wake-up call to our political class, and indeed the whole country, that rising consumption can’t replace that most basic of goods―a job. A brilliant book. And among the most important I’ve ever read.”
―J.D. Vance, author of Hillbilly Elegy
“No one has better articulated the conservative argument for why work matters to America's long-term prosperity than Oren Cass. Oren’s insightful prescription for what ails us should be required reading for those who endeavor to create a labor market in which workers can create and support strong families and communities.”
―Mitt Romney
“Oren Cass has written the essential policy book for our time. His diagnosis cuts to the heart of what’s troubling our political economy, and his prescriptions chart the way toward a more constructive politics. A must-read.”
―Yuval Levin, editor of National Affairs
“Through an unflinching indictment of the mistakes that Washington has made for a generation and continues to make today, Oren Cass forcefully draws out the contradictions of a consensus that has actively displaced Americans from their national inheritance of good jobs and thriving hometowns. The Once and Future Worker offers much-needed clarity for how to make the American Dream possible for the many.”
―Senator Marco Rubio (R-FL)
“Oren Cass’s focus on the importance of work―and making work pay―offers welcome common ground for policy debates across partisan and ideological lines. His core principle―a culture of respect for work of all kinds―can help close the gap dividing the two Americas that the 2016 election so starkly revealed.”
―William A. Galston, Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution
“Working-class voters tried to send a message in 2016, and they are still trying to send it. The crucial question is whether America’s leaders will listen and respond. One way to start doing that is to read Oren Cass’s absolutely brilliant new book.”
―David Brooks, New York Times
“Oren Cass has one of the sharpest policy minds in this new vanguard. . . . Cass’s book, timed for publication the week after the midterms, could either be the battle orders for a second Trump term or a to-do list for a successor stamped in the same mold.”
―Sam Tanenhaus, Time
“Oren Cass talks about a lot of these policy solutions that nobody wants to talk about. . . . Go check it out right now. It’s a sophisticated take on a lot of deep policy issues.”
―Ben Shapiro, The Ben Shapiro Show
―J.D. Vance, author of Hillbilly Elegy
“No one has better articulated the conservative argument for why work matters to America's long-term prosperity than Oren Cass. Oren’s insightful prescription for what ails us should be required reading for those who endeavor to create a labor market in which workers can create and support strong families and communities.”
―Mitt Romney
“Oren Cass has written the essential policy book for our time. His diagnosis cuts to the heart of what’s troubling our political economy, and his prescriptions chart the way toward a more constructive politics. A must-read.”
―Yuval Levin, editor of National Affairs
“Through an unflinching indictment of the mistakes that Washington has made for a generation and continues to make today, Oren Cass forcefully draws out the contradictions of a consensus that has actively displaced Americans from their national inheritance of good jobs and thriving hometowns. The Once and Future Worker offers much-needed clarity for how to make the American Dream possible for the many.”
―Senator Marco Rubio (R-FL)
“Oren Cass’s focus on the importance of work―and making work pay―offers welcome common ground for policy debates across partisan and ideological lines. His core principle―a culture of respect for work of all kinds―can help close the gap dividing the two Americas that the 2016 election so starkly revealed.”
―William A. Galston, Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution
“Working-class voters tried to send a message in 2016, and they are still trying to send it. The crucial question is whether America’s leaders will listen and respond. One way to start doing that is to read Oren Cass’s absolutely brilliant new book.”
―David Brooks, New York Times
“Oren Cass has one of the sharpest policy minds in this new vanguard. . . . Cass’s book, timed for publication the week after the midterms, could either be the battle orders for a second Trump term or a to-do list for a successor stamped in the same mold.”
―Sam Tanenhaus, Time
“Oren Cass talks about a lot of these policy solutions that nobody wants to talk about. . . . Go check it out right now. It’s a sophisticated take on a lot of deep policy issues.”
―Ben Shapiro, The Ben Shapiro Show
About the Author
Oren Cass is a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute for Policy Research. He worked previously as the domestic policy director for Mitt Romney’s presidential campaign, a management consultant at Bain & Company, and an editor of the Harvard Law Review.
He lives in Western Massachusetts with his wife and two children.
He lives in Western Massachusetts with his wife and two children.
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Product details
- Publisher : Encounter Books (November 13, 2018)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 272 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1641770147
- ISBN-13 : 978-1641770149
- Reading age : 18 years and up
- Item Weight : 1.2 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.25 x 1 x 9.25 inches
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Best Sellers Rank:
#342,204 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #344 in Labor & Industrial Relations (Books)
- #347 in Labor & Industrial Economic Relations (Books)
- #492 in Political Economy
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84 global ratings
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Reviewed in the United States on November 14, 2018
Verified Purchase
52 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on November 21, 2018
Verified Purchase
Worthy in its major contention that we should recognize the importance of "work" not just economically but socially and that we should design our policies in all areas (education; environmental, support for the poor) accordingly.
He marshals the well worn point of view that we should put more emphasis on the path of vocational technical training rather than on insisting that all should go to college. I found his discussion of what would be the right trade policies to balance "free trade" and proper protection for the domestic worker to be insightful and persuasive. I also appreciated his nuanced position on immigration. His critique of environmental policies failed for me to recognize the pernicious long term impact of global warming. Similarly, he failed to come to grips persuasively with how workers can gain greater leverage and have a stronger voice in negotiating terms of their labor.
His advocacy of a "wage subsidy" is conceptually appealing to me; actually making it happen is very problematic. I believe he dismisses "minimum wage" too cavalierly but represents a good argument.
He levels a devastating and persuasive critique of our multitiered, dysfunctional, complex set of programs and income streams to help the disadvantaged, including how in many ways it is a disincentive to find gainful employment and offers a very constructive path forward. It is the kind of transformative change that should be undertaken on a State wide basis.
He marshals the well worn point of view that we should put more emphasis on the path of vocational technical training rather than on insisting that all should go to college. I found his discussion of what would be the right trade policies to balance "free trade" and proper protection for the domestic worker to be insightful and persuasive. I also appreciated his nuanced position on immigration. His critique of environmental policies failed for me to recognize the pernicious long term impact of global warming. Similarly, he failed to come to grips persuasively with how workers can gain greater leverage and have a stronger voice in negotiating terms of their labor.
His advocacy of a "wage subsidy" is conceptually appealing to me; actually making it happen is very problematic. I believe he dismisses "minimum wage" too cavalierly but represents a good argument.
He levels a devastating and persuasive critique of our multitiered, dysfunctional, complex set of programs and income streams to help the disadvantaged, including how in many ways it is a disincentive to find gainful employment and offers a very constructive path forward. It is the kind of transformative change that should be undertaken on a State wide basis.
34 people found this helpful
Report abuse
Reviewed in the United States on December 27, 2018
Verified Purchase
The book is deceptive. Under the well written and silken prose there is the underlying theme that we need to minimize the constraints on capital. If we can we reduce the burdens of regulation (environmental, labor, safety, welfare), then unconstrained capitalism can provide meaningful jobs for the lower classes PROVIDED that we provide these same capitalist organizations with a wage subsidy that can raise the low wages that these very same companies are paying!
To develop this theme the author has to ignore history; he also has to cherry pick from the right of center literature that supports his view. As an example, the period of greatest productivity occurred in the 1945-1973 period. This was also the time of high GDP growth, real wage gains, high rates of unionization, and a more equal income distribution that was supported by a more progressive tax system and a higher minimum wage. All this came to an end with the Reagan revolution and its emphasis on union busting, less progressive tax policies, and its disavowal of the minimum wage. But this is not discussed in the book.
Instead, we have an unworkable wage subsidy that provides a wrong headed solution to a misdiagnosed problem. But alternatives exist. We could, for example, lower the current 40 hours in the workweek, or vastly restrict the use of overtime. Then again, we could also allow workers to have the choice of accepting a wage increase or more leisure time. We could also loosen the legal stranglehold that makes it difficult for workers to organize ,and then we could adopt "union enterprise zones" that would encourage capital formation. But all these things would generate further restrictions on corporate property rights, and this would be anathema to right wing think tanks and to management consultants that have found it lucrative to operate in the current environment.
The author is correct about the need for more vocational training, for more apprenticeships, and for the realistic observation that college may be oversold. But his inability to understand the role of government in a capitalist economy has generated blinders when it comes to the need for restrictions on business property rights. In this sense, the book is an ode to unbridled capitalism - but albeit one with a wage subsidy that attempts to prop up a creaky edifice.
To develop this theme the author has to ignore history; he also has to cherry pick from the right of center literature that supports his view. As an example, the period of greatest productivity occurred in the 1945-1973 period. This was also the time of high GDP growth, real wage gains, high rates of unionization, and a more equal income distribution that was supported by a more progressive tax system and a higher minimum wage. All this came to an end with the Reagan revolution and its emphasis on union busting, less progressive tax policies, and its disavowal of the minimum wage. But this is not discussed in the book.
Instead, we have an unworkable wage subsidy that provides a wrong headed solution to a misdiagnosed problem. But alternatives exist. We could, for example, lower the current 40 hours in the workweek, or vastly restrict the use of overtime. Then again, we could also allow workers to have the choice of accepting a wage increase or more leisure time. We could also loosen the legal stranglehold that makes it difficult for workers to organize ,and then we could adopt "union enterprise zones" that would encourage capital formation. But all these things would generate further restrictions on corporate property rights, and this would be anathema to right wing think tanks and to management consultants that have found it lucrative to operate in the current environment.
The author is correct about the need for more vocational training, for more apprenticeships, and for the realistic observation that college may be oversold. But his inability to understand the role of government in a capitalist economy has generated blinders when it comes to the need for restrictions on business property rights. In this sense, the book is an ode to unbridled capitalism - but albeit one with a wage subsidy that attempts to prop up a creaky edifice.
23 people found this helpful
Report abuse
Top reviews from other countries
M Clark
4.0 out of 5 stars
A useful description of the problems marred by its arm-waving advocacy of remedies
Reviewed in Germany on December 10, 2018Verified Purchase
Oren Cass deserves praise for his advocacy of the social value of work as well as his description of the many problems in our current system. He is, however, weak on the description of remedies. He advocates something called "productive pluralism" which is some kind of utopia where everyone has a great job with good wages. His path to getting there tends to be a recital of the typical conservative, libertarian proposals to abolish regulations, etc. He claims, without any support, that the removal of regulations will release a flood of new investment which will create good jobs for everyone. His arm-waving reminded me of the advocates of supply-side economics when they preach that all tax cuts will pay for themselves.
It is worth reading to understand a conservative's view of the problem.
It is worth reading to understand a conservative's view of the problem.
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