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Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid Paperback – September 18, 2007
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President Carter, who was able to negotiate peace between Israel and Egypt, has remained deeply involved in Middle East affairs since leaving the White House. He has stayed in touch with the major players from all sides in the conflict and has made numerous trips to the Holy Land, most recently as an observer in the Palestinian elections of 2005 and 2006.
In this book, President Carter shares his intimate knowledge of the history of the Middle East and his personal experiences with the principal actors, and he addresses sensitive political issues many American officials avoid. Pulling no punches, Carter prescribes steps that must be taken for the two states to share the Holy Land without a system of apartheid or the constant fear of terrorism.
The general parameters of a long-term, two-state agreement are well known, the president writes. There will be no substantive and permanent peace for any peoples in this troubled region as long as Israel is violating key UN resolutions, official American policy, and the international “road map” for peace by occupying Arab lands and oppressing the Palestinians. Except for mutually agreeable negotiated modifications, Israel’s official pre-1967 borders must be honored. As were all previous administrations since the founding of Israel, US government leaders must be in the forefront of achieving this long-delayed goal of a just agreement that both sides can honor.
Palestine Peace Not Apartheid is a challenging, provocative, and courageous book.
- Print length289 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- Publication dateSeptember 18, 2007
- Dimensions0.79 x 5.59 x 9.25 inches
- ISBN-100743285034
- ISBN-13978-0743285032
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Editorial Reviews
Review
-- L. Carl Brown, Foreign Affairs
"A provocative and all too accurate diagnosis of why the Israeli-Palestinian impasse still festers twenty-five years after [Carter] left the White House....Timely and refreshing for its candor."
-- Philip C. Wilcox, Jr., National Catholic Reporter
"This is a must-read for anyone desiring to understand the Middle East problems."
-- Dennis Lythgoe, The Deseret Morning News (Salt Lake City)
"Takes dead aim at what is the most pressing international affairs and national security issue of our times....Mr. Carter brings to the table a unique credibility."
-- Dan Simpson, The Toledo Blade (Ohio)
About the Author
Product details
- Publisher : Simon & Schuster
- Publication date : September 18, 2007
- Edition : Reprint
- Language : English
- Print length : 289 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0743285034
- ISBN-13 : 978-0743285032
- Item Weight : 2.31 pounds
- Dimensions : 0.79 x 5.59 x 9.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #31,350 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #5 in War & Peace (Books)
- #28 in Israel & Palestine History (Books)
- #36 in Middle Eastern Politics
- Customer Reviews:
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Learn more how customers reviews work on AmazonCustomers say
Customers find the book well-written and informative, particularly appreciating how it provides insight into Palestinian history. They praise Carter's courage as a public servant and his balanced approach to the subject matter. The book receives positive feedback for its voice, with one customer noting it speaks with moral authority.
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Customers find the book well written and accessible to average readers, with one customer noting it is very well researched.
"This is an informative book on the Palestinian situation...." Read more
"...Nonetheless, Carter's Palestine is an amazingly succinct and compelling account of the conflict, especially the events since his election in 1976...." Read more
"...That's not the point. His presentation is clear and his message encouraging. He asks us to engage in a national dialogue...." Read more
"...It is a very easy read as well. Read it and make public aware. This is the best we all can do is educate our self and educate others...." Read more
Customers find the book informative and eye-opening, providing valuable insights into history, with one customer noting its honest and enlightening approach.
"...at every step by facilitating diplomatic meetings, attending political conferences, monitoring elections, implementing humanitarian projects through..." Read more
"...Although most of the facts presented by Carter are readily verifiable, I wish that he had presented footnotes for the source of some specific details..." Read more
"...No reference, no assumptions purely based on experience...." Read more
"...It includes a brief history of the conflict, portraits of the key players, the involvement of other American presidents, and recent developments..." Read more
Customers appreciate the author's courage, describing him as a brave and dedicated public servant.
"...solidifies Jimmy Carter's standing as the most honest and forthright statesman of our time...." Read more
"...Also youtube his videos and you will see that he is a noble man and dedicated to peace in the world...." Read more
"...of the conflict, portraits of the key players, the involvement of other American presidents, and recent developments from the year 2000 to 2006...." Read more
"...He was intimately involved with Israel's early history and knew all of the Prime Ministers...." Read more
Customers appreciate the author's voice, describing it as a brave and moral one that reflects deep thinking and prayer, with one customer noting it provides important insight into the plight of Palestinians.
"...That's not the point. His presentation is clear and his message encouraging. He asks us to engage in a national dialogue...." Read more
"...Finally, after a very very long time, we hear the brave voice of justice coming from a prominant American that speaks with moral authority and thus..." Read more
"From the personal notes of this great humanitarian and Nobel Peace Prize winner comes a troubling and detailed account of horrific acts subjugated..." Read more
"You can tell President Carter has a true passion for world peace and a desire to truly understand what drives people, both individually, and as a..." Read more
Customers appreciate the balanced approach of the book.
"This is probably the most honest, balanced, and fairest account of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict ever written by a member of the Western ruling..." Read more
"...The book is largely accurate, fair, and balanced...." Read more
"Thank you Mr. President for your balanced and fair-minded approach to this problem between Israel and the Palestinian People!..." Read more
"Easy read and balance. Highly recommended. x x x x x x x x x x x x x x." Read more
Customers have mixed reactions to the book's coverage of Israeli history, with some finding it fascinating while others express concerns about the treatment of Palestinians.
"...But, not here. The Palestinians lack of any human rights, comfort, and peace of mind combined with chronic Israeli land grab and military..." Read more
"...He was intimately involved with Israel's early history and knew all of the Prime Ministers...." Read more
"...What I find very unfair here is the charge of anti-Semitism...." Read more
"...-Palestine problems and Israel-Arab problems exhibiting 9 informative maps of Israel at different times 1949 -1967, 1967 -1982 , 1982 -2006 , maps..." Read more
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- Reviewed in the United States on May 2, 2008This is an informative book on the Palestinian situation. Just the historical chronology, the related maps on different dates, and the Appendices including the text of U.N. Resolutions provide excellent reference material.
Carter's "land for peace" premise is straightforward as expressed on page 17. He believes the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will be resolved when: 1) Palestinians and other Arab countries will fully recognize Israel; 2) Violence and terrorism against civilians in Israel will abate; and 3) Palestinians will live in peace and dignity in their own land. He repeats those conditions in the concluding Summary. Within it he also specifies that Israel has to explicitly recognize its borders before 1967 as it had agreed within U.N. Resolution 242. Carter also states that the chronic obstacle to those conditions for peace is the belief by many Israelis that "they have the right to confiscate ...Palestinian land and try to justify the ... persecution of ... hopeless... Palestinians." "Some Palestinians react by honoring suicide bombers as martyrs... and consider the killing of Israelis as victories." Carter also adds that a major obstacle to peace has been the U.S. passivity towards the issue and its unconditional supportive bias towards Israel no matter what its behavior. As he states: "because of powerful political, economic, and religious forces in the U.S., Israeli government decisions are rarely questioned." There are many books on this subject, including The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy and The Power of Israel in the United States.
Carter notes that "most American citizens are unaware of circumstances in the occupied territories." His purpose is to educate the American public to the plight of the Palestinians. He wants to trigger a domestic debate to foster understanding that should allow America to facilitate permanent peace in the region. America has to be perceived as a fair mediator by the Arab world. Carter hopes the info he imparts will get us to reach a fairer assessment.
Since his Presidency in 1977, Carter's life as a peace waging diplomat has been closely intertwined with the contemporary history of the Middle East and the Israel-Palestinian conflict in particular. Carter's first hand narrative of the Camp David Accords in 1978 that he brokered between Sadat (Egypt) and Begin (Israel) is fascinating as described in chapter 3. He has known the majority of the current and previous generation of Middle Eastern leaders on a first name basis. He shares such firsthand accounts within chapters 4 and 5 including these leaders' detailed perspective on the conflict. In the next few chapters, he analyzes all four succeeding White House Administrations handling of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Unlike former Presidents, he remains engaged at every step by facilitating diplomatic meetings, attending political conferences, monitoring elections, implementing humanitarian projects through his Carter Center while maintaining his contacts with Middle Eastern leaders.
Carter having observed the treatment of Palestinians firsthand thinks it fits the definition of apartheid precisely (separation of people from their homeland). In chapter 16 "The Wall of Prison" he is alarmed at how the Israelis built this huge wall around the West Bank encroaching and seizing Palestinian lands (see map pg. 191) separating some Palestinians from their own families and agricultural lands. He feels that the Israelis have imprisoned Palestinians.
Currently, there are books by established political scientists suggesting that despair and poverty are not the root of terrorism such as What Makes a Terrorist: Economics and the Roots of Terrorism (Lionel Robbins Lectures). In some cases, I may be inclined to agree. But, not here. The Palestinians lack of any human rights, comfort, and peace of mind combined with chronic Israeli land grab and military provocations leave them with little recourse but to lash out violently. Carter repeatedly denounces terrorism. But, he recognizes what triggers it.
This book is controversial as Jewish scholars accused Carter of being wrong on many counts. They compiled their rebuttals in a book: Bearing False Witness: Jimmy Carter's Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid. But, the latter stronger assertion is that Carter misinterpreted the key U.N. resolution 242, where the authors believe Carter falsely claimed that Israel had been required to cede the lands acquired in 1967. But, U.N. resolution 242 written in 1967 states " (i) Withdrawal of Israel armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict [1967 6-day-war]." Carter is right. Additionally, Carter practices full disclosure by publishing the literal text of key UN. Resolutions and peace accords. So, you can check the wording for yourself. I double checked the veracity of those texts that are accessible on line, and they all paned out.
Carter is the only Western leader who had contacts with Hamas that now runs the Palestinian government. His narratives suggest they are more moderate than the Media conveys. For visiting Hamas, Carter has been ostracized for collaborating with terrorists. But, as a result of his undertaking dialogue with Hamas they seem more open to peace negotiations than the Israelis are.
In the conclusion, Carter derives hope for peace by observing that polls of both Israelis and Palestinians show a majority of the population favoring a two-State solution as a condition for peace. But, the chronic refusal of Israel's political leadership to honor the terms of U.N. Resolution 242 represents an obstacle to peace in the region.
Anyone who is emotionally detached from this issue will recognize this is a rare document of history. L. Carl Brown with Foreign Affairs gave this book an excellent review. Also, Jimmy Carter Man from Plains is an interesting documentary on his U.S. book tour.
- Reviewed in the United States on December 3, 2006If only Americans could begin with a tabula rasa, our mental slates wiped clean of the clutter of propaganda that we have absorbed from our news media, we could read Jimmy Carter's "Palestine Peace Not Apartheid" and finally understand the source of the problem in the Middle East: Israel's relentless theft of Palestinian land, and its collective punishment of the entire population. If only. Alas, most supporters of Israel will not read this book (but that won't prevent them from posting one-star reviews on Amazon).
President Carter, of course, is more diplomatic in discussing the history of the conflict, preferring words like "confiscation" instead of "theft." While he mentions the destruction of 420 Palestinian villages in the war of 1948, Carter doesn't mention what Shlomo Ben-Ami, a former Foreign Minister of Israel, called "the atrocities and massacres it [the Israeli army] perpetrated against the civilian Arab community."
Nonetheless, Carter's Palestine is an amazingly succinct and compelling account of the conflict, especially the events since his election in 1976. Particularly fascinating are his accounts of conversations with Arab leaders such as Yasir Arafat, Hafez al-Assad (Syria), Anwar Sadat (Egypt), and King Hussein (Jordan), which allow the reader to see the conflict from the Arab leaders' perspectives. President Assad's interpretation of the conflict, on pages 72-80, presents the most concise version I have seen of the other side of the story, the side rarely seen in the United States. Readers who desire a more detailed and scholarly history should consider "Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict" by Charles Smith, or "The Gun and the Olive Branch", by David Hirst.
While many Americans will be shocked by Carter's declarations about Israel's deplorable treatment of Palestinians in the Occupied Territories, I can personally attest to many of the facts. Carter writes, "In addition to punitive demolitions, Israel had razed even more Palestinian homes in `clearing' operations, plus houses that Israel claimed were built without a permit." While visiting the West Bank last year, I saw the Israeli military bulldoze three Palestinian homes because of the planned construction of what President Carter calls - in the most accurate description I have seen - the "imprisonment wall". Euphemistically termed the "security barrier" by a compliant American press, the wall is used to imprison Palestinians in bantustans that are separated from the rest of Palestine and often from their own land. Palestinians in Bethlehem, surrounded by the wall, cannot travel the five miles to Jerusalem, while foreigners like me visit from 5,000 miles away.
According to Carter, international rights organizations estimate that 20 percent of the Palestinian population has been imprisoned at some time by the Israelis. My taxi driver, a Christian Palestinian, said that he was imprisoned at age 16 for throwing stones, a symbolic act of protest during the first intifada. A year later, Israeli soldiers broke his arm after stopping him and finding out that he had been in prison.
Israel's ethnic cleansing of Christians and Muslims from Jerusalem is camouflaged in a blanket of legalese such as "building permits" and "identification cards." The Palestinian Christian who cleaned my room at the hotel had been imprisoned for working in Jerusalem "without a Jerusalem ID." Though his wife and children were born in Jerusalem, he grew up in a small nearby town where there are no jobs. At the time of his arrest, on the day his third child was born, he was working in the Christian quarter of the Old City, which is in Occupied Territory.
This important book solidifies Jimmy Carter's standing as the most honest and forthright statesman of our time. While he feels he did the right thing in settling for a separate peace treaty between Egypt and Israel, rather than a comprehensive agreement that included the Palestinians, he presents Assad's opposing view that Sadat betrayed the Arabs. Carter admits that his biggest mistake at Camp David was "failure to clarify in writing Begin's verbal promise" to cease building settlements in the Occupied Territories. Begin soon broke that promise.
Although most of the facts presented by Carter are readily verifiable, I wish that he had presented footnotes for the source of some specific details. For example, on page 206 he states that 708 Palestinian children and 123 Israeli children were killed between September 2000 and March 2006. However, B'tselem, the respected Israeli human rights group, reports that Israeli security forces killed 801 Palestinian children, while Palestinians killed 39 Israeli minors from 9/29/2000 to 11/15/2006.
I also wish that Carter had included some photographs in the book. The photograph on the front cover, depicting a peaceful protest at the three-story high imprisonment wall, says more than any description can accomplish. Israeli police routinely attack and disperse with tear gas such demonstrations at the wall, beating and arresting protestors. According to a witness at one demonstration, organized as non-violent, a protestor began throwing stones. When a leader of the protest tried to stop it, he was arrested -- by the stone-thrower, who was an undercover Israeli policeman.
"Palestine" is a short book of facts, devoid of sermonizing and analysis, easily digestible in a few hours. The book merely relates what happened in the recent past and what is happening now - facts that are only controversial because they haven't been reported by the mainstream news media. The facts lead to the obvious conclusions that Carter makes on the final page: "Peace will come to Israel and the Middle East only when Israel is willing to comply with international law," and the United States is encouraging anti-American terrorism by "condoning or abetting the Israeli confiscation and colonization of Palestinian territories."
Jimmy Carter's "Palestine Peace Not Apartheid" gives me optimism that more people will learn the truth. If only people will read it.
Top reviews from other countries
Ich testeReviewed in Germany on May 1, 20175.0 out of 5 stars Very good
This is an honest account of the situation. If you want to hear the truth - you should read this book.
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RuiReviewed in Brazil on August 19, 20145.0 out of 5 stars O caminho para a paz
Excelente leitura para compreender o conflito na Palestina.
Como protagonista nas negociações de paz, Jimmy Carter apresenta o caminho para conquistá-la, os erros da política americana para a região e a opressão que sofre o povo palestino.
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AngeloReviewed in Italy on September 27, 20165.0 out of 5 stars Bellissimo
L'autore del libro è da ricordare sicuramente per essere stato uno dei pochi presidenti degli usa con la testa sulla spalle. Dimostra ancora di essere una persona valida scrivendo un libro scomodo invece di starsene in poltrona a bere il té.
DAVID BRYSONReviewed in the United Kingdom on January 10, 20075.0 out of 5 stars IT CAN'T GO ON LIKE THIS
When I hear criticism of Israel in Europe I sometimes wonder how Britain or France would behave if they suffered terrorist violence to the extent that Israel does and if they had mouthy local demagogues announcing that their state ought to be wiped off the map. I suspect they would behave a lot worse than Israel does. However while the climate of debate remains comparatively rational there is no taboo against criticising Israel. The content of this book is not greatly controversial to European ideas, but in America matters are otherwise. I have seen a certain amount of American comment on it, some of the commentators preferring to read each other rather than the book, and I would advise prospective readers that a great deal of the comment is not to be believed. If the topic were anything else, the shrillness of the tone would alert anyone who is alert in the first place to suspect that the problem with the book is not that it is anti this that or the next thing, but that it is uncomfortably near the bone for some people's liking.
Mr Carter's tone throughout is dispassionate to the point of dryness. He mainly reserves his conclusions for the end, but here and there in the earlier chapters, as in his semi-didactic novel of the American civil war The Hornet's Nest, he highlights certain observations in a manner that invites readers to draw our own conclusions. This is most marked in his summation of Arafat's failure to respond to an opportunity and to raise his game from that of leader of an uprising to being leader of a prospective nation, and Mr Carter quietly but explicitly blames himself for failing to get a better text on the occupied Palestinian lands incorporated in the Camp David accords. The book is short, the print is clear and the author clearer still, although one would hardly think so from much of what poses as commentary. In terms of accuracy I haven't tried to verify the minutiae, but Carter was always one for detail and while it would be unlikely that there are no errors any that I have seen alleged, other than grandiose denunciations of the whole book for manifest incredibility, are small beer. In particular his accounts of the conditions that Palestinians live under are familiar stuff on European news broadcasts, and not just those of the BBC either but the commercial channels too. This is the sort of content that raises an outcry in America - it is intolerable emotionally and therefore must not be allowed to be true.
At the very least it has to be conceded (you might think, but of course this is the topic it is and abnormal criteria apply to what has to be conceded) that Carter is in a position to know more about the topic of this book than any other American. Knowledge of any subject doesn't, obviously, compel agreement with the knowledgeable party's conclusions, but it should at least make anyone hesitate before criticising him on such grounds, whereas in fact many have rushed in to do so and are probably rushing still as I write, much as the Gadarene Swine were doubtless rushing to refute the outrageous teachings they had just overheard. To invoke a different culture, the Emperor's clothes are just marvellous and to say otherwise is to be guilty of an ignorant and biased rant. So with Mr Carter. In my own view to find anything particularly contentious about his findings, still less anything biased in his tone or style, one has first to be American. He was an odd misfit among the tradition of American presidents, he was a bit of a misfit in the job, but a lot of the long-term value of his perceptions is precisely that he didn't think in a conventional American way. America is my own second home and I love it dearly, but for sheer sterility in its political thinking at this stage of history one might search the globe in vain for its equal.
Housman outraged classical scholars by heading his edition of Juvenal 'Edited for the use of editors'. Carter may similarly be thought to outrage a segment of his compatriots' perceptions by issuing a work for education of Americans. The situation they seem wedded to simply can't go on as it is. Mr Carter has a deep religious faith that I can't share, whereas I do share the candid opinion of the last British ambassador to Washington Sir Christopher Meyer that the 'Road Map' to middle east peace, which Carter still embraces, is not worth the paper it's written on. Simply - if nations try to determine land-rights on the basis of who God says can have them then we have the formula for a never-ending dispute, as God talks in mysterious ways. Again, if Palestinians are expected to recognise the legitimate existence of Israel (as we all should) exactly what 'Israel' are they being asked to recognise? West Bank settlements on lands to which they may own legal deeds? Israel's right to secure borders should be indisputable in general, but how can this apply to borders on someone else's land? The questions continue, and Carter dissects them coolly.
Equally beyond dispute ought to be that attacks on civilians are plain crime. In ordinary life we don't stop trying to smooth out areas of dispute until all criminals renounce their ways or until someone promises to stop them, as unrealistic a promise as was ever demanded except, apparently, in Palestine. Nor do we usually think we can solve disputes by refusing to talk with those in dispute with us until they capitulate to our demands to start with, a long-standing anomaly of US foreign policy that Carter highlights, no doubt in a ranting and anti-US manner that I have not detected.
Total support for Israel is emotional in America, and also historical from the days when Israel was America's foothold in the area to combat whatever the USSR might have been doing. An older and firmer tradition of American foreign policy is that its basis in sentiment falters when strategic and commercial interests indicate otherwise, as they now do. If the strategic and commercial lobbies in Washington are not already patiently at work indicating a new direction I shall be very surprised indeed. Support for the Israel of Ben Gurion was one thing, but if I were Israeli and expecting eternal American support for condominiums on the West Bank the question that I would dread to think American might ask themselves would be the question - WHY?
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千 俊夫Reviewed in Japan on September 23, 20144.0 out of 5 stars 実情理解に役立つ
大統領時代も含め中東和平問題の解決を自己の課題として取り組んできた誠実な人物による、和平交渉の歴史。少し古い著作だが、交渉当事者の人物像も含めよく書かれており、興味深く、現時点でも説得性のある議論だと思う。一点疑問なのは、イスラエルに対する米国の資金軍事援助が和平への障壁となっているが、それについてはブッシュ父大統領の時代に違法入植拡大に抗議するため援助を一次凍結したとの記述のみ。自分が大統領の時にもこの問題には手を付けず、記述がないのは不自然な気がした。









