Throughout the ages the "paranoid style" has been used to arouse public indignation and to attack established institutions and/or entrenched traditions that have grown ineffectual. Usually, the darkest and most abhorrent aspects of the accuser's personality are projected onto the hated enemy. Moreover, the true menace is sometimes seen as a malaise that lurks in a nation's midst rather than as something that exists outside its borders. And these chimeras tend to be the shadow projections of the idealistic personality (that is deeply concerned with the moral decay of the society around them) rather than realistic assessments of the true dangers that exist in the objective world. It gives the paranoid the illusion of control since there is little or nothing they can do about world opinion outside his or her borders, although they often imagine this to be so. As a consequence, many foreign policy initiatives are doomed to failure because a distorted picture of the world is being refracted through what amounts to a narrow, insular prism. That is, instead of viewing startling political developments throughout the world as complex historical processes that are unfolding for entirely legitimate reasons they might be seen as betrayals or acts of deliberate defiance. Especially when the vital interests of the observer are threatened.
Then too, Americans have often seen any failure as the work of people within our own government who allowed such things to happen. For if some of our own people are to blame for our weakness, then we do not have to deny "the myth of American Omnipotence."
This is an ideal time to read Hofstadter's book. It was written in the 1950s and 60s, so you get an excellent feel for postwar America (after the bomb) and the advent of the Cold War. Hofstadter's account of the McCarthy Era and Barry Goldwater's presidential campaign (of 1964) is quite instructive. An astute reader will notice many parallels with today. But he also discusses earlier periods of our history when the paranoid style was in its infancy, and yet was destined to become the genesis of the "liberal-conservative" split that is with us to this day.
One fascinating period was the 1890s, the era of Populist William Jennings Bryan and the "Free Silver Movement," which went down in defeat to William McKinley in the presidential election of 1896. Prior to McKinley's victory there was also public outrage over Spain's oppression of Cuba. And although McKinley did not advocate war with Spain, nor did Republican business leaders that had financed his campaign, he was swept into the Spanish-American War by the spirit of the times. Having filled up the continent with Westward expansion and the dream of "Manifest Destiny," many Americans felt a sudden lack of opportunity and purpose. But after Admiral Dewey's sudden victory in Manila Bay Americans began to grapple with their "Duty and Destiny" in an increasingly imperialistic world that they thought was filled with decadent and dangerous foreign powers.
There is no way to summarize the exquisite detail in Hofstadter's book. One must read it and ponder its many lessons. For the sum of its parts are greater than the whole. Good history always makes us realize that there really is nothing new under the sun, and yet, there most certainly IS! Mark Twain said it best when he joked: "History doesn't repeat itself, but it rhymes."
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The Paranoid Style in American Politics: And Other Essays Paperback – February 1, 1996
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Richard Hofstadter
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Richard Hofstadter
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Book by Hofstadter, Richard
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Print length346 pages
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LanguageEnglish
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PublisherHarvard University Press
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Publication dateFebruary 1, 1996
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Dimensions5.75 x 1 x 8.5 inches
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ISBN-100674654617
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ISBN-13978-0674654617
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Editorial Reviews
Review
Recent months have witnessed an attack of unprecedented passion and ferocity against the national government. The Republican Party has apparently embarked on a crusade to destroy national standards, national projects, and national regulations and to transfer domestic governing authority from the national government to the states...Unbridled rhetoric is having consequences far beyond anything that antigovernment politicians intend. The flow of angry words seems to have activated and, in a sense, legitimized what the historian Richard Hofstadter called the `paranoid strain' in American politics. (Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. Wall Street Journal 1995-06-07)
The crank and his following have attracted a gifted historian in Richard Hofstadter...His account stands as the most balanced and authoritative analysis we have of a formidable and apparently permanent force in American politic. (C. Vann Woodward New York Times Book Review)
Here are a series of episodes in the American imagination--from anti-Masonry and Populism to McCarthyism and the Birch Society--each of them informed with a distinctive intelligence...Hofstadter's status theory helps us understand a political history that goes far beyond the issues of the fifties and sixties which it was invoked to explain. (New Republic)
Professor Hofstadter...casts an incandescent light on the tactics of the Far Right which we crucially need to understand and to counter if we are to debate and formulate foreign policy equal to the needs of the times...Professor Hofstadter's essays...are calm, clear, dispassionate and devastating--a joy to read. (Harper's)
The crank and his following have attracted a gifted historian in Richard Hofstadter...His account stands as the most balanced and authoritative analysis we have of a formidable and apparently permanent force in American politic. (C. Vann Woodward New York Times Book Review)
Here are a series of episodes in the American imagination--from anti-Masonry and Populism to McCarthyism and the Birch Society--each of them informed with a distinctive intelligence...Hofstadter's status theory helps us understand a political history that goes far beyond the issues of the fifties and sixties which it was invoked to explain. (New Republic)
Professor Hofstadter...casts an incandescent light on the tactics of the Far Right which we crucially need to understand and to counter if we are to debate and formulate foreign policy equal to the needs of the times...Professor Hofstadter's essays...are calm, clear, dispassionate and devastating--a joy to read. (Harper's)
About the Author
The Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Richard Hofstadter (1916-1970) was De Witt Clinton Professor of American History at Columbia University.
Product details
- Publisher : Harvard University Press; F First Edition Used (February 1, 1996)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 346 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0674654617
- ISBN-13 : 978-0674654617
- Item Weight : 14.4 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.75 x 1 x 8.5 inches
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#1,593,435 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #2,077 in General Elections & Political Process
- #199,235 in History (Books)
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Reviewed in the United States on September 5, 2007
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Reviewed in the United States on September 22, 2011
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The lead essay is quite good. E.H. investigates the tendency to ascribe to others underhanded motives that they rarely have, and how this paranoid thinking is common and becomes more common under circumstances such as we have today, circa 2009-2012.
You will find keys to understanding the fringes of the Tea Party movement, the hows and whys of our current popular talk shows, and the hallmarks of the style.
I've expanded some on E.H.'s work on my blog -- you can find it with a goog search for "The Paranoid Style in American Commentary -- Are we 1920s Germany?"
You will find keys to understanding the fringes of the Tea Party movement, the hows and whys of our current popular talk shows, and the hallmarks of the style.
I've expanded some on E.H.'s work on my blog -- you can find it with a goog search for "The Paranoid Style in American Commentary -- Are we 1920s Germany?"
7 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on November 7, 2006
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This book is as relevant now as it was when it was first written. An excellent blend of accuracy and eloquence.
12 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on September 13, 2016
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As described (love photos!) and terrific communication. Thanks!
Reviewed in the United States on September 16, 2015
"The pseudo-conservative is a man who, in the name of upholding traditional American values and institutions and defending them against more or less fictitious dangers, consciously or
unconsciously aims at their abolition".
Richard Hofstadter wrote those words in 1965, a full twenty years before Sidney Blumenthal's "The Rise of the Counter-Establishment". Hofstadter's "Paranoid Style" is a description of the "ground zero" of the modern brand of conservatism. What Hofstadter termed "pseudo-conservative" (in the language of Theodore Adorno) later morphed into the neo-conservative, libertarian and tea-party coalitions now familiar to us.
In brilliant analysis of Barry Goldwater's bid for the Presidency in 1964, Richard Hofstadter outlines the inception of the "culture war", the Manichean battle between liberal and conservative world-views. Goldwater was the first Republican to employ the Southern Strategy, courting the votes of disaffected whites in the face of the civil rights movement. Goldwater's beliefs, from the termination of all government aid to education, and the end of all impediments to laissez-faire economic policy---even extending to the dismissal of the authority of the Supreme Court, when the court ran counter to conservative mantra---have become part and parcel of the Tea Party movement. It was Goldwater who developed the Republican appeal to evangelical Christians, by (even though he was ostensibly a libertarian) running a campaign of disapprobation, preaching about the "moral decline" in America. It has been a staple feature of Republican politics ever since.
Goldwater lost his election precipitously, largely because of his unrelenting belief in a winnable nuclear conflict. Yet two decades later, neo-conservatives were still clinging to that doctrine and advancing the strategies which Goldwater's aides first developed, which (believe it or not) copied the tactics of Soviet Bolsheviks.
A half-century has passed, and John Stormer's "None Dare Call it Treason" has been traded for Ann Coulter's "Treason". Hofstadter could not foresee such developments as the phalanx of right-wing radio hosts and think-tanks. Still, this book remains among the seminal writings about forms of extremism that continue to plague American politics.
unconsciously aims at their abolition".
Richard Hofstadter wrote those words in 1965, a full twenty years before Sidney Blumenthal's "The Rise of the Counter-Establishment". Hofstadter's "Paranoid Style" is a description of the "ground zero" of the modern brand of conservatism. What Hofstadter termed "pseudo-conservative" (in the language of Theodore Adorno) later morphed into the neo-conservative, libertarian and tea-party coalitions now familiar to us.
In brilliant analysis of Barry Goldwater's bid for the Presidency in 1964, Richard Hofstadter outlines the inception of the "culture war", the Manichean battle between liberal and conservative world-views. Goldwater was the first Republican to employ the Southern Strategy, courting the votes of disaffected whites in the face of the civil rights movement. Goldwater's beliefs, from the termination of all government aid to education, and the end of all impediments to laissez-faire economic policy---even extending to the dismissal of the authority of the Supreme Court, when the court ran counter to conservative mantra---have become part and parcel of the Tea Party movement. It was Goldwater who developed the Republican appeal to evangelical Christians, by (even though he was ostensibly a libertarian) running a campaign of disapprobation, preaching about the "moral decline" in America. It has been a staple feature of Republican politics ever since.
Goldwater lost his election precipitously, largely because of his unrelenting belief in a winnable nuclear conflict. Yet two decades later, neo-conservatives were still clinging to that doctrine and advancing the strategies which Goldwater's aides first developed, which (believe it or not) copied the tactics of Soviet Bolsheviks.
A half-century has passed, and John Stormer's "None Dare Call it Treason" has been traded for Ann Coulter's "Treason". Hofstadter could not foresee such developments as the phalanx of right-wing radio hosts and think-tanks. Still, this book remains among the seminal writings about forms of extremism that continue to plague American politics.
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Reviewed in the United States on June 16, 2011
One of America's leading historians of his time, and a great instructor and mentor at Columbia University, RH turned his gimlet eye to the question of how and why some conservative voices seem to mutate and metastasize into something more akin to emotional illness.
I have little original to add to the reviews precceding this. The book is a series of essays, some historical and other more relevant to the current scene in the period in which they were written [the late 1950s to the early 1960s]. This is one of those indispensible books which every concerned citizen ought to read, it's relevance has scarcely dimmed in nearly 50 years. Alas, I fear it's more relevant than ever.
It is a pity that Hofstadter died in 1970 at the young age of 54. He easliy had another 20 productive years in front of him.
I have little original to add to the reviews precceding this. The book is a series of essays, some historical and other more relevant to the current scene in the period in which they were written [the late 1950s to the early 1960s]. This is one of those indispensible books which every concerned citizen ought to read, it's relevance has scarcely dimmed in nearly 50 years. Alas, I fear it's more relevant than ever.
It is a pity that Hofstadter died in 1970 at the young age of 54. He easliy had another 20 productive years in front of him.
3 people found this helpful
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