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The Power of Habit: Why We Do What We Do in Life and Business Audio CD – Unabridged, October 25, 2016
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NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER • For anyone looking to rebuild old habits, form new ones, or start all over, this instant classic “masterfully combines cutting-edge research and captivating stories to reveal how habits shape our lives and how we can shape our habits” (Daniel H. Pink, author of Drive).
Named One of the Best Books of the Year by The Wall Street Journal and Financial Times
In The Power of Habit, award-winning business reporter Charles Duhigg takes us to the thrilling edge of scientific discoveries that explain why habits exist and how they can be changed. Distilling vast amounts of information into engrossing narratives that take us from the boardrooms of Procter & Gamble to the sidelines of the NFL to the front lines of the civil rights movement, Duhigg presents a whole new understanding of human nature and its potential.
At its core, The Power of Habit contains an exhilarating argument: The key to exercising regularly, losing weight, being more productive, and achieving success is understanding how habits work. As Duhigg shows, by harnessing this new science, we can transform our businesses, our communities, and our lives.
Praise for The Power of Habit
“Sharp, provocative, and useful.”—Jim Collins
“Few [books] become essential manuals for business and living. The Power of Habit is an exception. Charles Duhigg not only explains how habits are formed but how to kick bad ones and hang on to the good.”—Financial Times
“A flat-out great read.”—David Allen, bestselling author of Getting Things Done: The Art of Stress-Free Productivity
“Entertaining . . . enjoyable . . . fascinating . . . a serious look at the science of habit formation and change.”—The New York Times Book Review
- Print length0 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherRandom House Audio
- Publication dateOctober 25, 2016
- Dimensions5.1 x 1.1 x 5.9 inches
- ISBN-10152472274X
- ISBN-13978-1524722746
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“Few [books] become essential manuals for business and living. The Power of Habit is an exception. Charles Duhigg not only explains how habits are formed but how to kick bad ones and hang on to the good.”—Financial Times
“Entertaining . . . enjoyable . . . fascinating . . . a serious look at the science of habit formation and change.”—The New York Times Book Review
“Cue: see cover. Routine: read book. Reward: fully comprehend the art of manipulation.”—Bloomberg Businessweek
“A fresh examination of how routine behaviors take hold and whether they are susceptible to change . . . The stories that Duhigg has knitted together are all fascinating in their own right, but take on an added dimension when wedded to his examination of habits.”— Associated Press
“There’s been a lot of research over the past several years about how our habits shape us, and this work is beautifully described in the new book The Power of Habit.”—David Brooks, The New York Times
“A first-rate book—based on an impressive mass of research, written in a lively style and providing just the right balance of intellectual seriousness with practical advice on how to break our bad habits.”—The Economist
“I have been spinning like a top since reading The Power of Habit, New York Times journalist Charles Duhigg’s fascinating best-seller about how people, businesses and organizations develop the positive routines that make them productive—and happy.”—The Washington Post
“An absolutely fascinating . . . book [that explores] a startling and sometimes dismaying collision between the increasingly sophisticated scientific understanding of habits—how they’re formed, how they can be disrupted and changed—and, among other things, companies’ efforts to use that knowledge to steer your habits and money their way.”—Wired
“If Duhigg is right about the nature of habits, which I think he is, then trying to get rid of these bad habits won’t work. Instead, what is needed is to teach the managers to identify the cues that lead to these bad habits and rewards, and then learn alternative routines that lead to similar rewards, i.e. business and personal success.”—Forbes
“The Power of Habit is chock-full of fascinating anecdotes . . . how an early twentieth century adman turned Pepsodent into the first bestselling toothpaste by creating the habit of brushing daily, how a team of marketing mavens at Procter & Gamble rescued Febreze from the scrapheap of failed products by recognizing that a fresh smell was a fine reward for a cleaning task, how Michael Phelps’ coach instilled habits that made him an Olympic champion many times over, and how Tony Dungy turned the Indianapolis Colts into a Super Bowl–winning team.”—Los Angeles Times
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
THE HABIT LOOP
How Habits Work
I.
In the fall of 1993, a man who would upend much of what we know about habits walked into a laboratory in San Diego for a scheduled appointment. He was elderly, a shade over six feet tall, and neatly dressed in a blue button-down shirt. His thick white hair would have inspired envy at any fiftieth high school reunion. Arthritis caused him to limp slightly as he paced the laboratory's hallways, and he held his wife's hand, walking slowly, as if unsure about what each new step would bring.
About a year earlier, Eugene Pauly, or "E.P." as he would come to be known in medical literature, had been at home in Playa del Rey, preparing for dinner, when his wife mentioned that their son, Michael, was coming over.
"Who's Michael?" Eugene asked.
"Your child," said his wife, Beverly. "You know, the one we raised?"
Eugene looked at her blankly. "Who is that?" he asked.
The next day, Eugene started vomiting and writhing with stomach cramps. Within twenty-four hours, his dehydration was so pronounced that a panicked Beverly took him to the emergency room. His temperature started rising, hitting 105 degrees as he sweated a yellow halo of perspiration onto the hospital's sheets. He became delirious, then violent, yelling and pushing when nurses tried to insert an IV into his arm. Only after sedation was a physician able to slide a long needle between two vertebra in the small of his back and extract a few drops of cerebrospinal fluid.
The doctor performing the procedure sensed trouble immediately. The fluid surrounding the brain and spinal nerves is a barrier against infection and injury. In healthy individuals, it is clear and quick flowing, moving with an almost silky rush through a needle. The sample from Eugene's spine was cloudy and dripped out sluggishly, as if filled with microscopic grit. When the results came back from the laboratory, Eugene's physicians learned why he was ill: He was suffering from viral encephalitis, a relatively common disease that produces cold sores, fever blisters, and mild infections on the skin. In rare cases, however, the virus can make its way into the brain, inflicting catastrophic damage as it chews through the delicate folds of tissue where our thoughts, dreams-and according to some, souls- reside.
Eugene's doctors told Beverly there was nothing they could do to counter the damage already done, but a large dose of antiviral drugs might prevent it from spreading. Eugene slipped into a coma and for ten days was close to death. Gradually, as the drugs fought the disease, his fever receded and the virus disappeared. When he finally awoke, he was weak and disoriented and couldn't swallow properly. He couldn't form sentences and would sometimes gasp, as if he had momentarily forgotten how to breathe. But he was alive.
Eventually, Eugene was well enough for a battery of tests. The doctors were amazed to find that his body-including his nervous system- appeared largely unscathed. He could move his limbs and was responsive to noise and light. Scans of his head, though, revealed ominous shadows near the center of his brain. The virus had destroyed an oval of tissue close to where his cranium and spinal column met. "He might not be the person you remember," one doctor warned Beverly. "You need to be ready if your husband is gone."
Eugene was moved to a different wing of the hospital. Within a week, he was swallowing easily. Another week, and he started talking normally, asking for Jell-O and salt, flipping through television channels and complaining about boring soap operas. By the time he was discharged to a rehabilitation center five weeks later, Eugene was walking down hallways and offering nurses unsolicited advice about their weekend plans.
"I don't think I've ever seen anyone come back like this," a doctor told Beverly. "I don't want to raise your hopes, but this is amazing."
Beverly, however, remained concerned. In the rehab hospital it became clear that the disease had changed her husband in unsettling ways. Eugene couldn't remember which day of the week it was, for instance, or the names of his doctors and nurses, no matter how many times they introduced themselves. "Why do they keep asking me all these questions?" he asked Beverly one day after a physician left his room. When he finally returned home, things got even stranger. Eugene didn't seem to remember their friends. He had trouble following conversations. Some mornings, he would get out of bed, walk into the kitchen, cook himself bacon and eggs, then climb back under the covers and turn on the radio. Forty minutes later, he would do the same thing: get up, cook bacon and eggs, climb back into bed, and fiddle with the radio. Then he would do it again.
Alarmed, Beverly reached out to specialists, including a researcher at the University of California, San Diego, who specialized in memory loss. Which is how, on a sunny fall day, Beverly and Eugene found themselves in a nondescript building on the university's campus, holding hands as they walked slowly down a hallway. They were shown into a small exam room. Eugene began chatting with a young woman who was using a computer.
"Having been in electronics over the years, I'm amazed at all this," he said, gesturing at the machine she was typing on. "When I was younger, that thing would have been in a couple of six-foot racks and taken up this whole room."
The woman continued pecking at the keyboard. Eugene chuckled.
"That is incredible," he said. "All those printed circuits and diodes and triodes. When I was in electronics, there would have been a couple of six-foot racks holding that thing."
A scientist entered the room and introduced himself. He asked Eugene how old he was.
"Oh, let's see, fifty-nine or sixty?" Eugene replied. He was seventy- one years old.
The scientist started typing on the computer. Eugene smiled and pointed at it. "That is really something," he said. "You know, when I was in electronics there would have been a couple of six-foot racks holding that thing!"
The scientist was fifty-two-year-old Larry Squire, a professor who had spent the past three decades studying the neuroanatomy of memory. His specialty was exploring how the brain stores events. His work with Eugene, however, would soon open a new world to him and hundreds of other researchers who have reshaped our understanding of how habits function. Squire's studies would show that even someone who can't remember his own age or almost anything else can develop habits that seem inconceivably complex-until you realize that everyone relies on similar neurological processes every day. His and others' research would help reveal the subconscious mechanisms that impact the countless choices that seem as if they're the products of well- reasoned thought, but actually are influenced by urges most of us barely recognize or understand.
By the time Squire met Eugene, he had already been studying images of his brain for weeks. The scans indicated that almost all the damage within Eugene's skull was limited to a five-centimeter area near the center of his head. The virus had almost entirely destroyed his medial temporal lobe, a sliver of cells which scientists suspected was responsible for all sorts of cognitive tasks such as recall of the past and the regulation of some emotions. The completeness of the destruction didn't surprise Squire-viral encephalitis consumes tissue with a ruthless, almost surgical, precision. What shocked him was how familiar the images seemed.
Thirty years earlier, as a PhD student at MIT, Squire had worked alongside a group studying a man known as "H.M.," one of the most famous patients in medical history. When H.M.-his real name was Henry Molaison, but scientists shrouded his identity throughout his life-was seven years old, he was hit by a bicycle and landed hard on his head. Soon afterward, he developed seizures and started blacking out. At sixteen, he had his first grand mal seizure, the kind that affects the entire brain; soon, he was losing consciousness up to ten times a day.
By the time he turned twenty-seven, H.M. was desperate. Anticonvulsive drugs hadn't helped. He was smart, but couldn't hold a job. He still lived with his parents. H.M. wanted a normal existence. So he sought help from a physician whose tolerance for experimentation outweighed his fear of malpractice. Studies had suggested that an area of the brain called the hippocampus might play a role in seizures. When the doctor proposed cutting into H.M.'s head, lifting up the front portion of his brain, and, with a small straw, sucking out the hippocampus and some surrounding tissue from the interior of his skull, H.M. gave his consent.
The surgery occurred in 1953, and as H.M. healed, his seizures slowed. Almost immediately, however, it became clear that his brain had been radically altered. H.M. knew his name and that his mother was from Ireland. He could remember the 1929 stock market crash and news reports about the invasion of Normandy. But almost everything that came afterward-all the memories, experiences, and struggles from most of the decade before his surgery-had been erased. When a doctor began testing H.M.'s memory by showing him playing cards and lists of numbers, he discovered that H.M. couldn't retain any new information for more than twenty seconds or so.
From the day of his surgery until his death in 2008, every person H.M. met, every song he heard, every room he entered, was a completely fresh experience. His brain was frozen in time. Each day, he was befuddled by the fact that someone could change the television channel by pointing a black rectangle of plastic at the screen. He introduced himself to his doctors and nurses over and over, dozens of times each day.
"I loved learning about H.M., because memory seemed like such a tangible, exciting way to study the brain," Squire told me. "I grew up in Ohio, and I can remember, in first grade, my teacher handing everyone crayons, and I started mixing all the colors together to see if it would make black. Why have I kept that memory, but I can't remember what my teacher looked like? Why does my brain decide that one memory is more important than another?"
When Squire received the images of Eugene's brain, he marveled at how similar it seemed to H.M.'s. There were empty, walnut-sized chunks in the middle of both their heads. Eugene's memory-just like H.M.'s-had been removed.
As Squire began examining Eugene, though, he saw that this patient was different from H.M. in some profound ways. Whereas almost everyone knew within minutes of meeting H.M. that something was amiss, Eugene could carry on conversations and perform tasks that wouldn't alert a casual observer that anything was wrong. The effects of H.M.'s surgery had been so debilitating that he was institutionalized for the remainder of his life. Eugene, on the other hand, lived at home with his wife. H.M. couldn't really carry on conversations. Eugene, in contrast, had an amazing knack for guiding almost any discussion to a topic he was comfortable talking about at length, such as satellites- he had worked as a technician for an aerospace company-or the weather.
Squire started his exam of Eugene by asking him about his youth. Eugene talked about the town where he had grown up in central California, his time in the merchant marines, a trip he had taken to Australia as a young man. He could remember most of the events in his life that had occurred prior to about 1960. When Squire asked about later decades, Eugene politely changed the topic and said he had trouble recollecting some recent events.
Squire conducted a few intelligence tests and found that Eugene's intellect was still sharp for a man who couldn't remember the last three decades. What's more, Eugene still had all the habits he had formed in his youth, so whenever Squire gave him a cup of water or complimented him on a particularly detailed answer, Eugene would thank him and offer a compliment in return. Whenever someone entered the room, Eugene would introduce himself and ask about their day.
But when Squire asked Eugene to memorize a string of numbers or describe the hallway outside the laboratory's door, the doctor found his patient couldn't retain any new information for more than a minute or so. When someone showed Eugene photos of his grandchildren, he had no idea who they were. When Squire asked if he remembered getting sick, Eugene said he had no recollection of his illness or the hospital stay. In fact, Eugene almost never recalled that he was suffering from amnesia. His mental image of himself didn't include memory loss, and since he couldn't remember the injury, he couldn't conceive of anything being wrong.
In the months after meeting Eugene, Squire conducted experiments that tested the limits of his memory. By then, Eugene and Beverly had moved from Playa del Rey to San Diego to be closer to their daughter, and Squire often visited their home for his exams. One day, Squire asked Eugene to sketch a layout of his house. Eugene couldn't draw a rudimentary map showing where the kitchen or bedroom was located. "When you get out of bed in the morning, how do you leave your room?" Squire asked.
"You know," Eugene said, "I'm not really sure."
Squire took notes on his laptop, and as the scientist typed, Eugene became distracted. He glanced across the room and then stood up, walked into a hallway, and opened the door to the bathroom. A few minutes later, the toilet flushed, the faucet ran, and Eugene, wiping his hands on his pants, walked back into the living room and sat down again in his chair next to Squire. He waited patiently for the next question.
At the time, no one wondered how a man who couldn't draw a map of his home was able to find the bathroom without hesitation. But that question, and others like it, would eventually lead to a trail of discoveries that has transformed our understanding of habits' power. It would help spark a scientific revolution that today involves hundreds of researchers who are learning, for the first time, to understand all the habits that influence our lives.
As Eugene sat at the table, he looked at Squire's laptop.
"That's amazing," he said, gesturing at the computer. "You know, when I was in electronics, there would have been a couple of six-foot racks holding that thing."
Product details
- Publisher : Random House Audio; Unabridged edition (October 25, 2016)
- Language : English
- Audio CD : 0 pages
- ISBN-10 : 152472274X
- ISBN-13 : 978-1524722746
- Item Weight : 8.8 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.1 x 1.1 x 5.9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,456,191 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #3,114 in Popular Social Psychology & Interactions
- #4,349 in Books on CD
- #28,658 in Personal Transformation Self-Help
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About the author

My name is Charles Duhigg, and I'm a reporter for The New York Times. I'm also the author of The Power of Habit, about the science of habit formation, as well as Smarter Faster Better: The Secrets of Productivity in Life and Business (which is available for sale on Amazon on March 8, 2016!)
I've worked at the Times since 2006. In 2013, I was part of a team that won the Pulitzer Prize for a series about Apple named "The iEconomy". Before that, I contributed to NYT series about the 2008 financial crisis, how companies take advantage of the elderly and national violations of the Safe Drinking Water Act. (For those series, I won the National Journalism Award, the Investigative Reporters and Editors' Medal, the National Academies' reporting award and other recognitions.)
But let’s be honest, you aren’t visiting this page so I can brag about series and awards. (Unless you’re my mom. Hi mom!)
I’m also a native of New Mexico. I studied history at Yale and received an MBA from Harvard Business School. I now live in Brooklyn with my wife and two children and, before becoming a journalist, was a bike messenger in San Francisco for one terrifying day.
I would love to hear from you. I'm at charles@charlesduhigg.com.
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Habits can be efficient. When a habit is activated, we don't have to think so much about all the steps and breaths we take. Habits can be simple or more complex, making short work of such activities as: brushing one's teeth while thinking about the workday ahead; driving a car while listening to the radio; or tending to customers, fielding their requests, and responding routinely in a warm, appreciative manner. Routines can do a lot of good when it comes to maintaining desirable habits. But things can get challenging when we would like a habit to be changed.
A big part of the value in this book is its parade of human stories about how people have succeeded in replacing old habits with new ones. There are a few stories, too, about people who tried but failed to change a bad habit. Along the way, the author sketches a do-it-yourself model. He talks about people identifying existing "habit loops" which may include external triggers of time, place, people, and situations. Then, the idea is to interrupt and redirect activity toward the desired goals, eventually forming new habits.
In some examples, small "wins" are shown leading to bigger wins as people build skills and confidence in new ways of doing things. And in stories of organizational or cultural habits, positive changes are shown sometimes to set off a ripple effect, where new habits spread to more people in a kind of social contagion.
Charles Duhigg is a New York Times journalist and a graduate of Harvard Business School. He draws together a sampling of psychological research and real-life examples in business and other organizational endeavors. "The Power of Habit" delivers Duhigg's report in the form of a book full of good stories about people who exemplify the concept of "habit" in action, including direct interviews with some of the players in the stories. With this Duhigg presents a psychological concept of habits that a general audience might apply in everyday business and personal life. This book, if it reaches a large readership, may follow in the grooves of what journalist and psychologist Daniel Goleman's books did to popularize "emotional intelligence" and "EQ." (Goleman focuses on business applications of emotional intelligence in his 1998 book, Working with Emotional Intelligence .)
Duhigg's stories are interesting in their own right, easy to understand, and memorable. They run the gamut from sports to neurosurgery, and from marketing toothpaste to overhauling the managerial culture of a heavy industrial corporation.
For example, chapter 2 "The Craving Brain: How to Create New Habits," showcases breakthroughs in consumer marketing (and in one case, the dental health of a whole society) connected to habit changes. The examples cover a variety of marketing obstacles and breakaway solutions including Pepsodent toothpaste, Schlitz beer, and Febreze household deodorizer.
Chapter 5, "Starbucks and the Habit of Success: When Willpower Becomes Automatic," talks about staff training programs that have been credited with enhancing customer service and tuning up whole organizational cultures. Examples besides Starbucks include Deloitte Consulting and the Container Store.
Perhaps the most colorful and intriguing business story in the book is about the managerial successes of Paul O'Neill when he was CEO of the aluminum company Alcoa. (He later went on to serve as U.S. Treasury Secretary.) This is told mostly in Chapter 4, "Keystone Habits, or the Ballad of Paul O'Neill: Which Habits Matter Most." When O'Neill became CEO of Alcoa in 1987, he spearheaded the company on a headlong drive to achieve an error-free standard of employee safety. He rallied employees up and down the hierarchy, and across functions, to the cause of becoming "the safest company in America... [despite that]... employees work with metals that are 1500 degrees and can rip a man's arm off." (p. 98)
At first, Alcoa's investors and employees alike were skeptical, seeing O'Neill's radical quest for superiority in employee safety as too narrow, quixotic, and off-center. O'Neill conceived of the safety charge as a focal point that would trigger all sorts of changes in routines and habits of accountability throughout the company. Preventing employee injuries became a "keystone habit" in Duhigg's lingo, that would set off a ripple effect leading to an upswing in total corporate performance.
It worked. Within a year, Alcoa's profits reached an all-time high. Over a 13-year run with O'Neill at the helm, profits and the stock price both increased by 400%. Time lost to worker injuries declined to one-twentieth the U.S. average. Duhigg's book cites interviews with O'Neill himself and other Alcoa people who were there, and mentions that Alcoa stands as a case study in business schools.
"The Power of Habit" shines a bright light on organizational habits, but not only that. Duhigg serves up stories that point to individual habits, with relevance for personal success, such as interrupting a snacking habit or ending addictions. I see Duhigg's concept of habit loops as compatible with and complementary to the work of food and marketing psychologist Brian Wansink in his excellent book, Mindless Eating: Why We Eat More Than We Think (2006). At the other end of the scale, Duhigg talks about habits changing at a societal level of attitudes and behavior, offering an analysis of the civil rights movement's Montgomery bus boycott as an example.
The one disappointment I find is a lack of chapter summaries and sub-chapter headings. While the book certainly is accessible "as is," such aids would make it easier to tie together diverse examples, remember themes and links, and go back to them later. The Audible.com version in particular is harder going without summaries and sub-headings because one is not looking at pages with the chapter heading in the upper right, nor is the listener just a page flip away from glancing at the book's table of contents. The Audible.com version also could do a better job of mentioning the printed book's many visual diagrams for listeners who are interested enough to cross-refer.
The book begins and ends with fitting references to the 19th-century writings of an American philosopher and psychologist, William James, who elucidated the concept of habit before there was much science behind it. James was a prime mover in establishing two major streams of modern social science and philosophy: 1.) behavioral psychology - that is, putting a scientific focus on observable behavior and developing interventions to help people shape their lives according to their better ideals; and 2.) the philosophy of pragmatism - which for James meant evaluating scientific theories according to their "cash-value." In James's pragmatist view, a good theory is one that does good work in the minds of those who use it.
James saw "habit," like Duhigg does, as a core aspect of human nature. Duhigg draws attention to success stories in habit replacement, from dental hygiene to aluminum manufacture. In keeping with the philosophical pulse of James the pragmatist, I give Duhigg's "The Power of Habit" a five-star rating for its eye-opening reports on useful research, chock full of real-world examples. Plus the book is written in a style that is vivid and inviting.
According to one of these views, AA amounts to little more than group therapy; according to the other, AA is only concerned with drinking. We alcoholics go to meetings for mutual support so we can quit and not pick up again. End of story. To this Duhigg adds his habit loop twist. AA works because it helps us to exchange one habit for another: going to meetings instead of going to the bar. This, he claims, is AA's way of applying the "Golden Rule" of habit change: use the same cue (feeling lousy) and deliver the same reward (feeling better), but insert a new routine (meeting instead of bar).
This has all the appeal of simplicity and all the pitfalls of oversimplification. Presented as part of the truth, Duhigg's description is quite acceptable. Except that he presents it as the whole truth and what AA says about itself (in its basic texts) and countless alcoholics believe and try to practice, is of little consequence. He either dismisses or diminishes it as being, well, unscientific, a charge Duhigg uses as a trump card against an AA which he says remains "frozen in time," left behind by the advance of science.
Duhigg sets up a conflict between science and AA which enables him to reduce the latter to group therapy. This follows from his understanding of science as a materialist enterprise. Duhigg recounts how when researchers asked recovering alcoholics what made their new habits take hold so that they were able to stay sober even under the direst of circumstances, their answer was always the same: God. They hated that answer, says Duhigg, because "God and spirituality are not testable hypotheses."
Yet that is AA's answer, repeated throughout its "Big Book" and "12&12" and echoed in tens of thousands of rooms throughout the world each and every day. It reflects the view that humans are material and spiritual beings. Reject the latter and you end up treating men and women in controlled experiments the way you treat mice. But being subjects and not only objects, we humans have our own idea of what's going on inside of us. Thus either you accept alcoholics' own account of their experience and honestly try to learn from it, or you reinterpret it to fit your materialist bias.
The Power of Habit does the latter. It's therefore not surprising that the researchers eventually "figured out" that "It wasn't God that mattered." Instead, "it was belief itself that made the difference." As their materialist preconceptions required, the researchers tweaked Step 2 to take the spiritual out so that it ends up making me my higher power once I work up enough self-esteem to believe in myself. This is philosophy masquerading as science, and it dovetails back into pop psychology and the therapeutic commonplace that we drank because we didn't feel good about ourselves. Those who know the 12&12 will recall a memorable passage which lays such notion to rest.
Seeing spirituality and God not only as unscientific, but even as "odd" and "strange," Duhigg tries to exclude them from the AA story. Where AA sees alcoholism as "a threefold disease," physical, mental, and spiritual, TPHO admits only to the first two. Where AA considers itself a "spiritual fellowship," TPHO sees only the communal. Where AA talks of "spiritual principles," TPHO talks of methods and techniques.
We are left with a spiritually deprived and almost dehumanized portrait of AA as a "a giant machine for changing habit loops" which "forces you to create new routines" through "a system of meetings and companionship that strives to offer as much escape, distraction, and catharsis as a Friday night bender."
Such characterization distorts and trivializes what we alcoholics do. We go to meetings to share "our experience, strength, and hope" and to tell others "what we were like, what happened, and what we are like now," and thus to "carry the message" that "there is a solution," which is understood to be spiritual. We go because we want to give back "that which has been so freely given us." We don't all understand spirituality and God the same way, but neither do we try to deny or belittle them. As for the language of coercion, none of us would associate it with AA. It is totally foreign to its spirit.
Duhigg's scientism (to borrow a term from C.S. Lewis) also helps to explain why his book tends to perpetuate the notion that AA is all about drinking. It's a view that's been around from the start, and when people act on it in the rooms, we give it a name: two-stepping. They stop drinking and they tell others they stopped drinking. We sometimes call such people "dry drunks." They never move far beyond physical sobriety.
But AA is no drying machine, as by extension Duhigg's arid metaphor would have it. Not drinking is only the first step in a process leading to a "spiritual awakening" which enables the alcoholic to carry "this" message and "to practice these principles in all our affairs" so that we can "grow along spiritual lines," gain emotional sobriety, and live in harmony with God and neighbor. But you wouldn't know that from TPOH. Duhigg is mum on the Steps that make that process abundantly clear, and when he mentions two of them, he bends them out of shape so they'll fit into his habit loop scheme.
Thus he cites research to the effect that to do Steps 4 and 5, a person "has to create a list of all the triggers for their alcoholic urges" and that "When you make a self-inventory, you're figuring out all the things that make you drink." He adds that "Then, AA asks alcoholics to search for the rewards they get from alcohol. What cravings, the program asks, are driving your habit loop?"
Steps 4 and 5 have the alcoholic to do these things only in Duhigg's book. His account seems plausible to the uninitiate only because of the way he quotes Step 4: "to make `a searching and fearless inventory of ourselves.'" The person in AA will immediately notice a curious omission: the word "moral" is left out. Again, not surprising, since morality is among the "not testable hypotheses." But it's a "moral inventory," because AA is concerned not with the circumstantial habits surrounding our drinking but with the character and emotional habits that cause the harm we do to ourselves and to others. These constitute "the exact nature of our wrongs" which we then admit "to God, to ourselves, and to another human being" in Step 5.
This self-examination and admission of wrongs are among the exterior habits we cultivate in AA as we strive to acquire such interior habits or character traits as honesty, humility, and forgiveness. They proceed from a spiritual awakening which transforms the perceptions and concerns which drove our old habits. We try to practice these new habits daily in all we do and through repeated action the traits are gradually ingrained in mind and brain and develop into habitual dispositions. Right thinking, right feeling, and right action slowly become second nature to us. This is the understanding of habit formation that underlies the 12 Steps of AA and is distilled in the phrase "practice these principles."
The chain of events that led to AA started when a psychiatrist, Carl Jung, humbly admitted to the limitations of his trade and told one desperate alcoholic that there was no hope for him except in a spiritual experience. Through this man's agency psychologist William James helped another desperate alcoholic understand the spiritual experience that had just set him free. Bill W. was then led to another man of science named Dr. Bob, and AA was born.
Other psychiatrists, psychologists, and medical doctors would join with men and women of the cloth to support and encourage AA as it borrowed from science and religion and grew into a spiritual fellowship that would launch a different kind of experiment, an experiment in faith. The results are there for everyone to see, in the rooms of AA as well as at home, work, and church. They are every bit as empirical as those little graphs of rat brain activity that adorn TPOH.
We alcoholics are indebted to AA for nurturing such a fruitful tradition of cooperation between science, religion, and the spiritual, a tradition which Charles Duhigg has unfortunately chosen not to follow but which developments in science since the advent of quantum physics are sure to strengthen. It's not AA that's being left behind, but a hubristic and triumphalist conception of science that remains stuck in the 18th century.
Being open-minded, especially about spiritual matters, is one of the first habits we develop in AA. It's a habit that has served us well.
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Reviewed in Brazil on September 22, 2023


















