Buy new:
$32.96$32.96
Arrives:
Monday, July 24
Ships from: Amazon Sold by: markable
Buy used: $6.05
Other Sellers on Amazon
+ $16.60 shipping
100% positive over last 12 months
+ $16.60 shipping
100% positive over last 12 months
Download the free Kindle app and start reading Kindle books instantly on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required. Learn more
Read instantly on your browser with Kindle for Web.
Using your mobile phone camera - scan the code below and download the Kindle app.
In Praise of Hard Industries: Why Manufacturing, Not the Information Economy, Is the Key to Future Prosperity Hardcover – January 1, 1999
Purchase options and add-ons
- Print length273 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherHoughton Mifflin Harcourt
- Publication dateJanuary 1, 1999
- Dimensions6.25 x 1 x 9.75 inches
- ISBN-100395899680
- ISBN-13978-0395899687
Customers who bought this item also bought
Editorial Reviews
Amazon.com Review
Fingleton argues that American business is sacrificing its once valuable manufacturing base in favor of the new economy, or postindustrialism--an umbrella under which he includes the service, software, information, and entertainment industries, among others. While he writes that he does not seek to dismiss the merits of postindustrialism--although he calls the financial-services industry a "cuckoo in the economy's nest"--Fingleton finds fault with the new economy in three areas: the mix of jobs it produces, its slow income growth, and the fact that postindustrial activities don't export very well. At the same time, he believes that modern manufacturing has become wrongly associated with low-wage or stagnant economies--Japan, in particular, which, he argues, is not the basket case that many believe it to be. At the heart of Fingleton's argument is the idea that postindustrial activities are relatively easy to pursue compared to manufacturing, which requires much more capital and know-how but offers far more upside in the long run. His prescription for revitalizing manufacturing includes boosting savings, directing much of it into industrial investment, and instituting a trade policy designed to allow manufacturing to thrive in the United States.
While Fingleton's dour assessment of the new economy seems overdone, his basic argument about the relative worth of manufacturing is well articulated. In Praise of Hard Industries is a good contrarian read for policymakers, managers, and anyone interested in a different view of both the U.S. and Japanese economies. --Harry C. Edwards
From Publishers Weekly
Copyright 1999 Reed Business Information, Inc.
From Library Journal
Copyright 1999 Reed Business Information, Inc.
From Booklist
From Kirkus Reviews
Review
"Fingleton argues that the Web is unlikely to prevent the United States from losing ground to its competitors." -- The Industry Standard
"Fingleton argues that the Web is unlikely to prevent the United States from losing ground to its competitors." -- Review
Earlier this month, President Clinton crowed about the nation's steady economic growth over the last eight years. He told Nightly Business Report on PBS that a few consecutive quarters of low unemployment used to lead automatically to inflation. Not anymore, he said: "The laws are being rewritten."
Boosters of the so-called New Economy claim to know the new laws. They sometimes say that the United States is succeeding because it's "deindustrializing" closing down factories and replacing them with a service economy based on information technology. The successes of American high-tech companies and the Web have prompted a string of books from cyber pundits eager to outdo each other in optimism, including Long Boom from authors Peter Schwartz and Peter Leyden (due out in October) and New Rules for the New Economy by Kevin Kelly.
But according to former Forbes and Financial Times editor Eamonn Fingleton, the nation's extraordinary prosperity may be hiding a structural decline. His latest book, In Praise of Hard Industries, purports to offer the real story about the prospects of an information economy.
Fingleton believes the triumphs of U.S. tech companies like Microsoft may end up hurting the country in the long run by making huge information-industry success seem normal. He paints Microsoft as a special case a company whose growth "has been driven almost entirely by its monopolistic role in setting standards for computer operating systems" while "other software companies enjoy no such all-embracing franchise and no such license to print money."
The book's basic theme focuses on the difficulties countries fall into when they overemphasize the business of information in such fields as software, publishing and telecommunications at the expense of capital-intensive, technically sophisticated manufacturing needed for products like ships, textiles and steel.
Fingleton opens his argument by calling "three strikes against the New Economy." First, he says, the New Economy produces a bad work mix, reserving most jobs for people with high IQs. He quotes a prediction by economic commentator Michael Rothschild that "up to 20 percent of the American workforce will be marginalized by the move to an information-based economy."
Strike two: The New Economy causes slow income growth. This is a surprising claim, but he backs it up by comparing the per-capita income growth experienced by the deindustrializing United States, United Kingdom and Canada with that of heavily industrialized countries like Germany, Japan, South Korea and Switzerland. During the 16 years from 1980 to 1996, the cumulative U.S. income growth rate of 134 percent lagged behind that of 12 other members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. Britain, which has made an even larger shift toward postindustrialism than America, placed 21st in a field of 26.
Strike three is the fact that language- and culture-dependent information products export poorly, Fingleton says. The money needed to customize software products for other countries goes to translators and consultants in those countries, eating up profits that might otherwise have come back to a software maker's home base.
While digital-age libertarians may have trouble shrugging off the charge that a focus on information leads to slow income growth, they tend to dismiss complaints about job mixes with references to Darwinian struggles for survival. Likewise, they may also question whether exports really matter in a global village.
Fingleton believes that exports do matter, because there is no global village yet. While the "grasshopper-like" U.S. media plays with globalism an idea that sounds good to Americans, so long as the globe keeps going to see movies made by Hollywood the "ants" in Japan, Germany, South Korea and Switzerland have built manufacturing and exporting bases that will last long after winter comes to the New Economy. When it comes to improving the export balance, manufactured goods have the edge; Nikon's world-class light-emitting diodes lose little in translation.
What about the Internet? Fingleton argues that the Web is unlikely to prevent the United States from losing ground to its competitors. Many Net enthusiasts are betting that the Web's ability to advertise goods worldwide will enhance U.S. companies' ability to sell worldwide. Probably so, says Fingleton, but not as much as they think.
Most countries have erected trade barriers in order to protect homegrown industries, and those barriers remain important. Countries are no more likely to lower trade barriers because of e-commerce than they were to lower them because of the telephone. Indeed, nearly all the revenues coming to Internet companies in America still come from its 50 states.
Nor does the author expect Web shopping to explode. He quotes Internet commerce expert Mary Cronin as saying that "despite the hullabaloo over e-commerce, customers may not even want it." Fingleton concedes that people don't mind buying books online, but he maintains that for the most part, shoppers still prefer to see and feel merchandise before they buy.
Seen through Fingleton's lens, then, President Clinton is incorrect the important laws have not been rewritten, merely ignored. Economic success continues to flow to nations with advanced manufacturing bases. And what looks like a sustained boom for information-based economies will in the end turn out to have been a mirage. Bill Brazell
Other New Titles of Interest
The Channel Advantage by Lawrence G. Friedman and Timothy R. Furey (Butterworth-Heinemann, $30)
As the book explains, "It isn't enough to just add a Web site, hire distributors or build a call center." Companies like Dell and Charles Schwab find the right mix of sales channels. -- From The Industry Standard
About the Author
Product details
- Publisher : Houghton Mifflin Harcourt; First Edition (January 1, 1999)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 273 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0395899680
- ISBN-13 : 978-0395899687
- Item Weight : 1.2 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.25 x 1 x 9.75 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,848,246 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #674 in Industrial Manufacturing
- #23,187 in Economics (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Eamonn Fingleton is a former editor for the Financial Times in London and Forbes magazine in New York who is known for his early and outspoken identification of postindustrialism as a prime cause of American decline.
In Blindside in 1995 and In Praise of Hard Industries in 1999, he challenged the then consensus that a shift to an all-digital New Economy would propel the United States to a new, unchallengeably high level of competitiveness. He poured particular scorn on what he called financialism, a tendency for financial services to pre-empt an ever larger share of U.S. GDP and human talent. America's financial services industry, he argued, was "a cuckoo in the economy's nest." Writing from a base in Tokyo, where he lived for 27 years, he warned that if Washington failed to stop the erosion of manufacturing, America would rapidly lose competitiveness, incur increasing trade deficits, and sink ever deeper into debt to the manufacturing-based exporting economies of East Asia.
He calculated that, per unit of output, manufacturing businesses are nearly ten times stronger exporters on average than services. One reason is that manufactured products generally require little adaptation to sell abroad. By contrast such key postindustrial products as computer software have to be expensively adapted to meet different cultural needs in foreign markets and the costs are generally incurred abroad. In other cases, American postindustrial companies hire large numbers of foreign employees to provide direct services to foreign customers. Either way the net receipts transmitted back to the United States are minimal.
In Fingleton's view, those who have dismissed America's manufacturing base as the "Rust Belt" display deep ignorance of modern First World manufacturing. Advanced manufacturing these days is highly capital-intensive, which means that each worker's productivity is greatly leveraged by sophisticated production machinery. This creates ample scope for employers to pay high wages. Advanced manufacturers moreover require great accumulations of proprietary production knowhow - typically knowhow acquired over generations of "learning by doing" and often understood only by top engineers who incorporate them into secret machine settings - and this powerfully shields them from low-wage foreign competition.
Fingleton argues that American opinion leaders have been blinded by dogma in believing that when American factories close, this is dictated by the "wisdom of the market." In reality, American manufacturers are competing in a globalized marketplace that is comprehensively rigged against them. The fact is that almost as soon as American corporations invent new, more efficient production technologies, they come under pressure from foreign governments to transfer these out of the United States. If they don't do so, they face non-tariff barriers in the relevant foreign markets. By contrast by moving their best technologies to overseas operations, they improve their foreign market access while retaining their ability to sell into the American market. The net effect is that it is increasingly foreign workers, not American ones, who benefit from corporate America's innovation.
In his most recent book In the Jaws of the Dragon, published in 2008, he identified a policy of suppressing consumption as a main driver of China's rise. The policy - implemented through, for instance, ultra-tight zoning policies which have forced housing costs through the roof and created huge profits for landowners - generates a vast surplus of savings which Chinese leaders then direct, via a state-owned banking system, into equipping industry with ever more efficient production technologies.
Born in Ireland in 1948, he is a graduate of Trinity College Dublin. He is working on a new book entitled Sandcastle Empire: American Decline and the Crisis of Individualism.
Customer reviews
Customer Reviews, including Product Star Ratings help customers to learn more about the product and decide whether it is the right product for them.
To calculate the overall star rating and percentage breakdown by star, we don’t use a simple average. Instead, our system considers things like how recent a review is and if the reviewer bought the item on Amazon. It also analyzed reviews to verify trustworthiness.
Learn more how customers reviews work on Amazon-
Top reviews
Top reviews from the United States
There was a problem filtering reviews right now. Please try again later.
In summary of the thesis, the pathology of the nation's declining economy is manifest in the hollowing out of the manufacturing sector. We will be generations correcting the problem, or we will be another Argentina.
Like a skilled coroner dissecting the victim of a brutal murder, Mr. Fingleton takes apart the myth of "postindustrialism," certainly as it pertains to the consensus of economic thinking in the US. Oh Gods of Hubris, what violence have we wrought upon our once mighty American economy by following the chimera of well-packaged economic fads.
So you think steel and shipbuilding are rust-belt industries, better suited to the "third world" and without which the US is a better place? Not after you read this book. So you think we should be teaching children that their goal in life should be to grow up and be computer programmers because that is the pathway to a good job and secure future? Not so fast, pilgrims. So you think that the US does not need these so-called "commoditized" high tech manufactures like the chips and circuitry that go into the guts of even a run of the mill computer? To paraphrase a certain disgraced former President of the United States, "It all depends on what you mean by 'commoditized.'"
You will probably never understand what is happening to the US economy unless and until you read this book. I am not in the business of giving advice to the President of the United States, but I will make an exception and recommend that he read "In Praise of Hard Industries." Heck, I will send him my copy if he wishes. And then, I hope that he recommends the book to every Cabinet officer, sub-Cabinet official, Member of Congress, Federal Judge, and any one else whose decisions affect policy in this country. This book is that important.
Nothing is more central to the vast expectations of the post industrial economy than those associated with software, telecommunications or financial services, which form its bulwark. Fingleton's analysis clearly shows that software is inherently transitory and unstable. Telecommunications is touted as a vehicle for a vast expansion of consumer markets, yet as became painfully clear in the dot.com collapse, there is little proof of that potential. Gambling and porn remain the internet's most profitable commodities. Financial services has devolved into deregulated boutiques speculating in exotic currency and equity instruments, in markets trading at unheard of multiples and expansion. All these 'industries' employ a specific type of intellect and skill set, which might apply to a highly educated 20% of the labour force. Nothing is reviled more than the old 'rust' belt industries in the free market ethos. Steel, ship building, textiles, that can offer capital intensive high technology enterprise integrated into well payed, labour intensive associated manufacturing are disappearing from the First World's economic arsenal.
The New Economy's extreme marginalization of certain employment sectors, its inequity in distribution of wealth, and its unpredictability, have only now started to bite into previously secure areas of the social demographic. No surprise then that social turbulence is starting in disparate protest movements. The divisions being created in our society ensures the haves will need to use draconian measures to control the have nots, with an inevitable and equal reaction. Fingleton falls himself into the chimera of new age economics when his remedies call more for the much over rated effect of 'savings' as opposed to tariffs, progressive tax systems and direct involvement of national governments in economic and currency management. However, this book is an accessible study of the effects of the globalization and de-industrialization in Western economies. Post industrialism runs on the mumbo jumbo of futurists, buzz words, intentionally complex rationalizations. These obfuscate its real intent and encourage public ignorance and apathy. The book is a welcome, if limited, contribution to cutting through the fog of claims to show how thread bare the cloth of the New World Order really is.
