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The President, the Pope, And the Prime Minister: Three Who Changed the World Hardcover – October 1, 2006
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- Print length448 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherRegnery History
- Publication dateOctober 1, 2006
- Dimensions6 x 1.2 x 9 inches
- ISBN-101596980168
- ISBN-13978-1596980167
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They were three "middle managers" no one imagined could reach the top.
Ronald Reagan was too old to be president and too conservative anyway. Margaret Thatcher was not only too conservative she was a woman, and not on anyone's short list to lead Britain's Conservative Party. And the idea of a Polish pope that was truly absurd, especially when the cardinal in question was a strong anti-Communist and defender of orthodoxy when many in the Church and throughout the world believed the future belonged to détente with the Soviets and social liberalism in the West.
Not only did Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, and Karol Wojtyla (the future John Paul II) rise to the top, but all three of them also survived assassination attempts, collaborated in the miraculous peaceful liberation of Eastern Europe from Soviet Communism, and reinvigorated their respective countries and the West. They were beacons of optimism cutting through the malaise and despair that afflicted 1970s America, strike-ridden and economically moribund post-imperial Britain, and a Catholic Church rocked by social and sexual revolutions.
In The President, the Pope, and the Prime Minister, veteran journalist and former Thatcher speechwriter John O'Sullivan reveals:
● How Reagan, Thatcher, and John Paul developed as strong and individual leaders, perfectly suited to take power when liberalism failed How John Paul's papal visit to Poland in June 1979 led to the birth of the Solidarity labor union
● How the pope's moral undermining of Communism worried the Soviet Politburo more than any military threat
● Why Thatcher's handling of the Falklands crisis was a turning point in the Cold War
● How Reagan arranged for the pope to receive U.S. intelligence on developments in the Soviet bloc
● Reagan's reluctant support for the nuclear "balance of terror" and how he gratefully adopted the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) as an effective alternative
● The Soviets' attempts to lure the pope into an anti-SDI campaign and his refusal
● How Reagan's refusal to compromise with Gorbachev in Reykjavik precipitated the unraveling of Soviet power
● How Reagan, Thatcher, and John Paul II restored optimism and hope to their people
Today, as we face a new and perhaps even deadlier enemy than Soviet Communism, we need to revisit the powerful lessons taught by these three great leaders who revived the faith, prosperity, and freedom of the West.
John O'Sullivan covered the Reagan presidency as a Washington columnist, was a special adviser to Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, and has written regularly on Pope John Paul II and the Catholic Church's influence on international relations. A veteran journalist in Britain and the United States, he was the editor in chief of National Review, The National Interest, Policy Review, and United Press International, editorial page editor of the New York Post, op-ed and editorial page editor for the London Times, and an editor with the London Daily Telegraph. He is currently editor at large for National Review, a weekly columnist for the Chicago Sun-Times, and a senior fellow with the Hudson Institute. A Commander of the British Empire and founder of the New Atlantic Initiative, he divides his time between his apartment in Washington, D.C., his home in Decatur, Alabama, and frequent trips to Britain, Europe, and Latin America.
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Product details
- Publisher : Regnery History; First Edition (October 1, 2006)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 448 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1596980168
- ISBN-13 : 978-1596980167
- Item Weight : 1.32 pounds
- Dimensions : 6 x 1.2 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #925,219 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #4,313 in History & Theory of Politics
- #11,778 in Sociology (Books)
- #22,864 in World History (Books)
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The academic left, though, has generally rejected the Great Man Theory and looks to economic, technological, and other factors to explain history. To them, the role of the individual in history is insignificant compared to the role that these "forces" play. What they forget, of course, is that economics, technology, and culture are all created by individuals. So arguing that "forces" rule history and that individual's are irrelevant is inherently irrational.
In reading The President, The Pope, And The Prime Minister, it's easy to see where John O'Sullivan comes down in this debate. He clearly believes that individuals play a vital role in history, and considering the three individuals he profiles -- Ronald Reagan, Pope John Paul II, and Margaret Thatcher -- it's hard to argue with him.
The hyopthesis of O'Sullivan's book is fairly straightforward. Three individuals who, in the years just before they came to power, were believed to be outside of the mainstream of 1970s era thinking worked together, sometimes at cross purposes and often not consciously, to change the world by putting in place forces that led to the downfall of the Soviet Empire and the remaking of the world.
As O'Sullivan makes clear, the spark was lit in October 1978 when the Catholic Church did the unthinkable by electing a non-Italian Pope for the first time in over 450 years. And not only a non-Italian, put a man who came from behind the Iron Curtain and who had spent much of his career as a priest and bishop resisting tyranny, first from the Nazis and then from the Communists. His election set off a firestorm in Poland that led directly to the formation of Solidarity and its preservation through nearly a decade of martial law.
O'Sullivan also pays considerable attention to former President Reagan, his dealings with the Soviet Union, and, most interestingly, his view of the role of nuclear weapons in the Cold War. Though it was not generally known at the time, and goes against what was being said about Reagan by his critics and even some of his supporters, it has become fairly clear in the years since he left office from the release of private writings that Reagan despised nuclear weapons and pursued a policy that had as its conscious goal their eventual elimination. While some might consider this attitude naive (after all, you can't put the nuclear genie back in the bottle), it sheds a new light on his approach to negotiations with the Soviets and the SDI program. Reagan knew that the Soviets could not compete with America technologically, and that they would never give up their nuclear arsenal willingly. So, he essentially played a waiting game until the "correlation of forces", to borrow a Marxist phrase, were such that that Soviets had no choice but to make a deal in a last ditch effort to save first their empire, and then their very existence.
Reagan told John Paul about his views on nuclear weapons, the Soviets, and the future of Europe early on. And the Holy Father clearly supported these views, as evidenced by the fact that while Catholic Bishops in the United States often spoke out against U.S. foreign policy in the 1980s (sometimes to the consternation of the Vatican), the Holy See rarely did.
O'Sullivan's perspective on Thatcher, and her relationships with Reagan, the Pope, and the Soviets are interesting especially given his connections to the British Conservative Party. What is clear, though, is that even Thatcher herself, clearly one of Reagan's closest friends in world politics, had no idea just how idealistic he was.
This book isn't ground breaking academic research, but it offers an interesting perspective on the life, times, and historical impact on three people who clearly changed the world for the better.
O'Sullivan does a masterful job of linking these three world leaders together in a way which puts their bold initiatives in context of the time. Reagan came into office as someone who gave the USA hope in a time when Carter was blaming the electorate for "malaise" as well as a string of foreign policy failures which we are still recovering from to this day.
Thatcher had an equally difficult job in convincing the populace of the UK that there was a better way than labor anarchy, rampant inflation, a continuation of the downward spiral of the standard of living among the people who had grown numb and apathetic.
Pope John Paul had an equally ambitious agenda of bringing an end to communist tyranny not only in his native Poland, but wherever the heavy boot of Soviet domination kept people from the basic freedoms that FDR spoke of but never really imagined possible for hundreds of millions behind the iron curtain.
What these three extraordinary individuals had were long-held beliefs in freedom and fighting oppression and a willingness to take the long-view of history and the consequences of their actions as leaders. From Reagan's victory in kicking out the communist-dominated unions in Hollywood in the 40's to Thatcher's pit-bull determination to emancipate the British public from the hegemony of equally leftist unions in the UK, and the Pope's understanding that the Soviets were propping up weak and criminal regimes in the East, they all had very different ways of achieving their objectives, but never lost sight of their goals.
O'Sullivan had a unique window on these people and fills this book with hundreds of examples of how the world changed when they all understood that the classic arguments of "detente" only helped the Soviets and did nothing to end the evil empire and its advocates like Arthur Scargill, the British labor leader who ran his union and the country like any good totalitarian, through fear and intimidation. O'Sullivan does an equally good job of showing just how active the Soviets were in forming and shaping public opinion as they had done for decades, and how many challenges that the Soviets created were part of this PR Potemkin village to disguise the rot at the core of the Soviet realm.
While there have been many liberals who have written dozens of books rewriting history to diminish the accomplishments of these three leaders, O'Sullivan does a masterful job of showing that a continuation of Carter's policy of kissing commies on both cheeks was the course of action demanded by popular opinion as dictated by the leftists in newsrooms all over the world, and Reagan, Thatcher and John Paul held to their principles to prevail and deliver a far safer and secure world than most of us who grew used to sleeping with the prospect of nuclear Armageddon could have ever imagined.
I read two others before this. One is related to the moral/philosophical relationship between President Reagan and Pope John Paul II. Also an excellent read. Another is more inclusive of the times and includes the third person in this era, Margaret "The Iron Lady" Thatcher. Also a great read. But this is the best of the other two and more. If you're at all interested in reading and learning of this Cold War "curtain call", you should read this book. If you are of a certain age and were a 'participant' in the Cold War and relished it's demise, this book is not only about three great world leaders. It is, in part, about you! You especially will enjoy this book.
Top reviews from other countries
Would that we had a US president, British prime minister and a pope or other effective person around today, the western democracies wouldn't be in the self flagellating, self defeating and pessimistic mode they have fallen into.












