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The Price of Politics Hardcover – September 11, 2012
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- Print length448 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherSimon & Schuster
- Publication dateSeptember 11, 2012
- Dimensions6.13 x 1.3 x 9.25 inches
- ISBN-101451651104
- ISBN-13978-1451651102
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Editorial Reviews
From Booklist
Review
"Groundbreaking" —David Gregory, NBC's Meet the Press
"Takes us inside the room once again." —Charlie Rose
"Fabulous book and great reporting." —Norah O'Donnell, CBS This Morning
“Bob Woodward, in characteristic fashion, does his competitors one better by filling in blanks and providing even finer detail.” —Miranda Green, The Daily Beast
"A book everyone is talking about." —Diane Sawyer, ABC
"A very revealing, insightful book." —Sean Hannity, Fox News, "Hannity"
"Required Reading" —Elizabeth Titus, Politico
“Almost every bookshelf in the U.S. capital holds a thin volume called 13 Days, Robert F. Kennedy’s account of the Cuban Missile Crisis. Memo to Washington: Make room on those shelves for Bob Woodward’s latest behind-the-scenes book, The Price of Politics, which might as well have been called 44 Days. The centerpiece is a riveting account of the tedious negotiations to reach a ‘grand bargain’ on the federal budget.” —David M. Shirbman, Bloomberg Businessweek
About the Author
Product details
- Publisher : Simon & Schuster; 1st edition (September 11, 2012)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 448 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1451651104
- ISBN-13 : 978-1451651102
- Item Weight : 1.46 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.13 x 1.3 x 9.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,482,252 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #890 in Political Parties (Books)
- #1,564 in United States Executive Government
- #2,880 in Economic History (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
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About the author

Bob Woodward is an associate editor of The Washington Post, where he has worked since 1971. He has shared in two Pulitzer Prizes, first in 1973 for the coverage of the Watergate scandal with Carl Bernstein, and second in 2003 as the lead reporter for coverage of the 9/11 terrorist attacks.
He has authored or coauthored 18 books, all of which have been national non-fiction bestsellers. Twelve of those have been #1 national bestsellers. He has written books on eight of the most recent presidents, from Nixon to Obama.
Bob Schieffer of CBS News has said, “Woodward has established himself as the best reporter of our time. He may be the best reporter of all time.”
In 2014, Robert Gates, former director of the CIA and Secretary of Defense, said that he wished he’d recruited Woodward into the CIA, saying of Woodward, “He has an extraordinary ability to get otherwise responsible adults to spill [their] guts to him...his ability to get people to talk about stuff they shouldn’t be talking about is just extraordinary and may be unique.”
Gene Roberts, the former managing editor of The New York Times, has called the Woodward-Bernstein Watergate coverage, “maybe the single greatest reporting effort of all time.” In listing the all-time 100 best non-fiction books, Time Magazine has called All the President’s Men, by Bernstein and Woodward, “Perhaps the most influential piece of journalism in history.”
In 2018 David Von Drehle wrote, “What [Theodore] White did for presidential campaigns, Post Associate Editor Bob Woodward has done for multiple West Wing administrations – in addition to the Supreme Court, the Pentagon, the CIA and the Federal Reserve.”
Woodward was born March 26, 1943 in Illinois. He graduated from Yale University in 1965 and served five years as a communications officer in the United States Navy before beginning his journalism career at the Montgomery County (Maryland) Sentinel, where he was a reporter for one year before joining the Post.
Photos, a Q&A, and additional materials are available at Woodward's website, www.bobwoodward.com.
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The major story in the book is the debt crisis negotiations of 2011. They showcase the differences between the parties and the degree to which each party must cater to its political base.
It is also the story of a president who arrived in office with a minimum of experience with the political process. Though Woodward is more restrained than other critics, such as Ron Suskind in "Confidence Men," Obama comes through here again as a man who is simply out of his depth. He does not have a command of the issues, and more important, does not have enough fundamental knowledge about economics, history and American politics to effectively lead the political process. The lack of unity on the Democratic side of the aisle, in particular his failure to build a working relationship with Harry Reid in the Senate and Nancy Pelosi in the House, betray his lack of experience working with people.
The book reveals flashes of the arrogance which others attribute to him. More significant, these qualities infused his team, from Valery Jarrett to Larry Summers to Rahm Emanuel. There was little compromise in the makeup of any of them. Woodward reveals the raw, tactless way in which they wielded power their first two years, and how their high-handedness came back to bite them after the 2010 midterm elections. Mainly, however, it is a story of a man with no executive experience thrust into the world's most demanding executive position. He didn't have the tools to do the job, and was too self-absorbed to see his own shortcomings. In one of the most telling passages of the book, Valery Jarrett chews John Boehner out for saying that Obama was willing to learn. She assumed he already knew all that was necessary.
Fiscal irresponsibility is the downfall of almost every government and every currency over the long course of history. Governments have three sources of revenue. They can tax, they can borrow, and they can inflate it away their debts. This book picks up our story when the US had long ago lost its ability to balance the budget through taxes, and was running out of borrowing power. The major players in the book, most Republicans and some Democrates (Geithner, Orzag) realized that it was essential to rein in the government deficits.
Any solution must take into consideration increasing revenue and decreasing expenses. However, the expenses have been written into law in such an insidious way, as entitlements in terms of both Medicare and Social Security, that they cannot be easily taken away because such a large portion of the electorate has come to depend on these entitlements. As of now more than half of the population is dependent on federal handouts. They simply cannot be taken away, because people have forgotten how to exist without them. And the people who pay the tab, the wealthier half, the slight minority who actually pay income taxes, are unwilling to pay anymore. We do not have the political unity within the country needed to make the necessary budget compromises.
Woodward describes the situation fairly clearly, but a man in his position cannot honestly analyze the reasons for the great divide. The Republicans and the Democrats represent increasingly different constituencies. The Republicans, on balance, represent average taxpayers. The Democrats represent the bottom and top layers of society: The academics who increasingly control the media and entertainment sectors are on the top, and the minorities and recipients of government benefits on the bottom.
It is widely agreed that there is a difference a growing gap between the two, between the well-paid and the not so well paid. We observed at the same time that there is a continual expansion in gaps in various measures of achievement between these groups, notably academic and financial success, and at the same time there is an increasing demand in society in the workplace for highly skilled workers. It is quite natural that there would be a divergence. The bulk of our workforce is less and less skilled, and yet the demands of the workplace call for more and more skills. It only makes sense that the people who can do work that is valued, a decreasing minority, earn more and the bulk of the people earn less.
However the political process cannot recognize this reality. They talk about moving jobs offshore. Of course this is true - the workers offshore, notably the Chinese, demand far less in hourly wages. What goes unstated is that they are also more productive. And that their productivity is related to Chinese intelligence, which is by most measures higher than that of the average American worker. They certainly have a strong work ethic honed by years of hanging on merely to survive.
We have therefore as American society that is becoming increasingly fragmented as it becomes more diverse. It was heading toward the model of such multiethnic societies as Brazil, the Andean nations split between Native American and European populations, and South Africa and Zimbabwe, and perhaps Italy, considering the divide between the Mezzogiorno and the North. In any case we are a multiethnic society in which the levels of achievement among the various groups vary quite widely, always have, and show no signs of converging. It is not a recipe for success.
This is an aside, but it is an important background to the facts which Woodward reports. The Republicans and the Democrats in Congress represent increasingly different constituencies. The fact that they cannot compromise easily is due in large part to the fact that their constituencies are irreconcilable. Rather, the demands of the various constituencies are irreconcilable. One of the reasons that this is so is that nobody is willing to recognize the truth of the situation.
The truth of the situation is that American labor is worth less on the world market than it used to be. Other nations have caught up. Another truth is that different people have different levels of ability. That observation goes against the grain of American history, American culture, and certainly the diversity story as taught in schools. So we cannot accept reality, and we are increasingly the victims of our cognitive dissonance.
Another factor, one which Woodward does acknowledge, is the changing age demographics of America. The four biggest parts of the budget are defense spending, Medicare, Social Security, and welfare payments such as food stamps and long term unemployment. Obama did rein in military spending by taking troops out of Afghanistan. However, he reports that the Democrats were unable to address the ongoing liabilities concerning Social Security, Medicaid and Medicare. These are unbounded liabilities which all players recognize will lead to deficits for the foreseeable future. They are unpredictable and unbounded, as the nature of medical technologies and the demand for medical care simply cannot be predicted. The only thing one can say with certainty is that every prediction in the past has turned out to be too optimistic.
The Republicans lack the will to ask their constituency to pay more taxes, and Democrats lack the will to aks for reasonable cutbacks in entitlements. This problems are more than a lack of leadership - it is fundamental unwillingness on the part of the American people to accept the truth. Churchill observed that America will do the right thing - when all else has failed.
We did not resolve the debt crisis. Throughout the Obama administration the politicians "kicked the can down the road." We are not alone in this. The Europeans have done no better. They have given the Federal Reserve no choice but to print more and more money through Quantative Easing, a story better told in "Confidence Men." The result will be a major depression, one which many believe has alreadys begun. The iron fist of reality will impose a resolution to resource distribution problems which could not be resolved by politics. For seniors, minorities and others who benefit disproportionated from government largess the process will be ugly and painful and probably, at times, fraught with violence. If we were smarter it could have been otherwise. Woodward does not attribute a lack of brains to any of the players in this tragedy. Instead, just as in a Greek drama, each is constrained by his own party and his own human failings. Obama's tragedy is that he doesn't seem even to recognize his shortcomings.
the-wool" Ultra Liberal reporter, notwithstanding his stellar investigative achievement on the Watergate Affair, bringing down President Richard Nixon. However, his book, The Price of Politics, shows fine work on a very complicated subject. It's good! It's an easy read, well documented.
Being from Nevada, it was interesting and informative seeing and hearing from one of our most unique characters, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid. This book may not be interesting to people who don't like politics. Many might lose interest in it. The book might also make you mad. Readers should definitely have at least a basic understanding of politics, like the three branches of government and how they are supposed to be independent, but, in the case of the House of Representatives and the Senate---work together and compromise for the greater good of the American people.
Woodward should be gratified that he has earned the trust of so many of his sources who opened up so many closed doors,with names, dates and places, to a vital legislative process: To solve the huge debt crises facing our country, which threatens to bring us to our financial knees. It was obviously a mutual trust.
We are witnesses through Woodward's keen reportorial skill, to a very combative process; under the guise of politeness. The Price of Politics ratifies the old adage: "If you don't like watching sausage being made---you don't want to see laws being created!"
It was evident that during Obama's 3 3/4 years in office, he felt he had to DOMINATE congress. Several passages refer to this fact, but it is so pervasive, it needs repeating: The most important thing/issue/result to President Obama during the endless planning, behind-the-scenes talks, meetings and sessions on the Budget and Debt Crisis was: HIS Re-election; according to Woodward, from his interviews. The biggest and most shameful surprise of all coming out of Woodward's research: After Obama drumbeat the promise of "transparency," "openness," "public involvement," in his bright new administration---one of the most IMPORTANT issues ever to face America in our lifetimes, was discussed NOT in committee hearings on
C-SPAN,but in SECRET MEETINGS.
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV),and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, weren't even told what was happening; until it failed! Also at work was "The Gang of Six," An unofficial group of senators, three Democrats and three Republicans. They too were developing a Tax & Deficit Reduction Plan. Then there were Sen.Alan Simpson and Sen.Erskine Bowles, Co-chairs of the President's Official Fiscal Commission, whose plan got "lost" in the shuffle. A "Doomsday" scenario from its inception. The economic problems of the mounting Tax & Debt Crisis were being "solved" behind closed Doors with NO public meetings, committee hearings or public input! A process that has been indelibly ingrained in our legislative procedures for the past two-hundred years!
One of the most frustrating and recurring problems, during the months this book covers: after taking hours to negotiate a deal on some issue ALL parties would agree on. The next day, Eric Cantor, Virginia Congressman and House GOP Majority Whip, wrote in his notes---"It has been changed again!" The president rarely put anything in writing. The Democrats seldom put their proposals in writing. The Republicans most often would. The next day there would be MAJOR changes! Woodward had irrefutable proof that a great many of those changes were insisted upon by President Obama.
Why did this occur? President Obama's key, chief ultimate goal or result of any final agreement or bill---before he would agree to ANY concessions: It must contain---"Taxing the Wealthy!" "The Bush Tax Cuts must NOT be extended to THAT group!"
As we continue reading it may be true that only political activists will really enjoy this book. To me, who has been in the crucible, it's great reading! There is NO doubt about its being factual.
One key quote I had been searching for is the underlying "punch line" of the book. What Woodward found out. When he could ruminate on what message, if any, he could impart to the reader and the people of America, out of a very complicated and poorly understood subject--by the general public.
At one point Woodward commented, "It is increasingly clear that no one was running Washington." (Pg.313)
It is from one of Bob Woodward's many interviews with (GOP)Speaker John Boehner that some insight emerges. The Speaker's complaint--that here is NO outreach to the Majority (GOP) or to the Democrats, either. "There is NO outreach!" "The White House is dysfunctional!" (Pg.376)
Contrary to the constant flow of White House statements.
No Harry Truman's desk sign there: "The Buck Stops Here!" My words--C.P.author
CONCLUSIONS:
President Obama's method of leadership appears to be, letting others come up with the ideas, then he passes judgment on them. The president doesn't take the lead. His habit is to LECTURE the members of Congress and the Senate on why HE is right and THEY are wrong. He doesn't work well with other people. He has little or no use or respect for either the House Members or the Senators and at one point even cut Nancy Pelosi (still Minority Leader after being replaced as Speaker) and Harry Reid OUT of the process. Obama feels SUPERIOR to the Legislative Branch.
In comparing him with Ronald Reagan, with whom I am very familiar, RR kept his committments and practiced civility, courtesy, decorum, and honesty. Obama built NO bridges with the legislators. Both President Ronald Reagan and President Bill Clinton knew the value and importance of having both branches of government contributing something and working together! V.P. Joe Biden proved to be an asset in working with both Congress and the White House. The president seemed unable or unwilling to COMPROMISE, even for the good of the American people; no matter how many times he proclaimed he was attempting to do so.
Recommended reading! BUY THIS BOOK to read further REVELATIONS on who helped and who hindered the progress of this critical process.
Thanks again to B.W.
Top reviews from other countries
Many of the reviews on Amazon.com make similar criticism of Obama, as do many of the players in Woodward's book: Obama doesn't know how to negotiate, they say.
I disagree. It seems to me Obama was forced to negotiate with a bunch of Republicans holding by any standards prior to 2000 an extreme right wing position, who themselves felt hostage to the Tea party, a bunch of people who they said didn't care whether America defaulted all its debts, it didn't matter anyway. Presumably they felt the market was the only thing that mattered.
To me Obama did extraordinarily well in his refusal to compromise. He was after all dealing with the Republicans who to a man (not many women in this book) were not prepared to countenance the idea that the megarich should have to pay more than 28% tax to help the country nay world out of a jam. Even Obama's own people, some of them, like Reid and Pelosi seemed prepared to undercut him at times.
Woodward himself is quite critical of Obama in his brief judgment at the end, suggesting that if he had handled the Republicans more skilfully he might have got more out of them. To me that seems very unlikely. Someone towards the end of the book said the Republicans felt they needed to come out of the negotiations looking as if they had humiliated the president because that was the only outcome that would satisfy the Tea Party.
I don't agree with Woodward's opinions, but as always he does a great job of stating the play. The negotiations were incredibly protracted and tedious and you have to admire the stamina and resilience of all the players if not necessarily their motivation. However the things they were arguing about on day 25 were the same as day one, and as is often stated in this book it was all really just a game of chicken. At one point one of the politicos rings up the guys on Wall St., who were all having kittens, to say, "Chill, we're all just playing a game here."
Reviewed in Canada on September 19, 2020


