The western press is occasionally highlighted with interviews and memoirs of dissidents, activists, and refugees from China. Most however were never anywhere near the locus of power. This book remedies all that. Taken from sources smuggled out of China, this journal represents the thoughts and analysis of one of 20th century China's most powerful leaders, Zhao Ziyang. Zhao rose through the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) from the bottom up as his life spans the entire history of modern China, including the Japanese occupation, Communist revolution, Great Leap Forward, Cultural Revolution, and move towards capitalism. This book focuses on the past quarter century of the 1900's, essentially documenting the political struggles fought at or the near the top of China's government as Zhao and like-minded comrades moved the country towards economic and political liberalization. Zhao recounts numerous conversations and debates, both private and public, related to the inner workings of government. Zhao also recounts the rise and fall of various leaders in modern China.
Reading this book was the first time I have heard of Zhao Ziyang, and the first time I have read of modern China outside of the occasional news articles in Time, the Wall Street Journal, and other periodicals. Therefore, I do not know how much of Zhao's journals are actually included in this book. I say this because for someone whose life and experience mirrors that of China, this work contains no mention of World War 2, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, Sino-Indian relations, and other key episodes in modern China's history. In fact, outside of the occasional mention of Hong Kong's economy, and relations with Gorbachev, there is almost no discussion of foreign policy. There is also minimal mention of education policies, which is surprising given that the Chinese nation has emphasized educational excellence as key to national strength, economic growth, and social progress. Overall, after reading this book I came away with the feeling that Zhao's writings fell into the hands of the US State Department, or the CIA, and was then edited to remove any content critical of the West, American foreign policy, democracy, capitalism, etc... My recommendation, read this book with lots of salt.
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Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang Paperback – May 18, 2010
by
Zhao Ziyang
(Author),
Adi Ignatius
(Editor, Translator),
Bao Pu
(Editor, Translator),
Renee Chiang
(Editor, Translator),
Roderick MacFarquhar
(Foreword)
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Print length336 pages
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LanguageEnglish
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PublisherSimon & Schuster
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Publication dateMay 18, 2010
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Dimensions6.13 x 1 x 9.25 inches
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ISBN-101439149399
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ISBN-13978-1439149393
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“A rare first-person account of crisis politics at the highest levels of the Chinese Communist Party.”
—Erik Eckholm, The New York Times
“Until the appearance of this posthumous work, not a single voice of dissent had ever emerged from the [Chinese Communist] party’s inner circle . . . Fascinating.”
—The Economist
“Zhao speaks from beyond the grave . . . the up-close-and-personal tone [of the book] stands out. Scholars will mine Prisoner of the State for historical nuances.”
—Perry Link, coeditor of The Tiananmen Papers
“[T]his book will be of special importance to anyone interested in what happened during the spring of 1989, culminating in the Tiananmen killings of June 3 and 4.”
—Jonathan Mirsky, The New York Review of Books
—Erik Eckholm, The New York Times
“Until the appearance of this posthumous work, not a single voice of dissent had ever emerged from the [Chinese Communist] party’s inner circle . . . Fascinating.”
—The Economist
“Zhao speaks from beyond the grave . . . the up-close-and-personal tone [of the book] stands out. Scholars will mine Prisoner of the State for historical nuances.”
—Perry Link, coeditor of The Tiananmen Papers
“[T]his book will be of special importance to anyone interested in what happened during the spring of 1989, culminating in the Tiananmen killings of June 3 and 4.”
—Jonathan Mirsky, The New York Review of Books
About the Author
ZHAO ZIYANG was the Premier of China from 1983 until 1987 when he became the General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, a position he held until 1989 when he was deposed and put under house arrest until his death in 2005.
Adi Ignatius is an American journalist who covered China for The Wall Street Journal during the Zhao Ziyang era. He is currently editor in chief of the Harvard Business Review.
Bao Pu, a political commentator and veteran human rights activist, is a publisher and editor of New Century Press in Hong Kong.
Adi Ignatius is an American journalist who covered China for The Wall Street Journal during the Zhao Ziyang era. He is currently editor in chief of the Harvard Business Review.
Bao Pu, a political commentator and veteran human rights activist, is a publisher and editor of New Century Press in Hong Kong.
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Product details
- Publisher : Simon & Schuster; 1st edition (May 18, 2010)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 336 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1439149399
- ISBN-13 : 978-1439149393
- Item Weight : 13.1 ounces
- Dimensions : 6.13 x 1 x 9.25 inches
-
Best Sellers Rank:
#488,695 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #166 in Historical China Biographies
- #548 in Asian & Asian Americans Biographies
- #1,011 in Chinese History (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
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Reviewed in the United States on May 14, 2012
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Reviewed in the United States on September 5, 2010
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With all the names, dates, places, meetings and detailed discussions of topics like the provenance of the tag-line phrases "initial stage of socialism" and "socialist spiritual civilization," Zhao Ziyang's posthumously published memoir - and it is surely Zhao who is speaking to us here - is indeed a true China wonk's book, filled with content that will be revelatory to anyone who knows the period and participants. It is above all the most important document by a senior leader operating in a closed political system since _Khrushchev Remembers_, primarily because, like the Tiananmen Papers, it lifts the veil on political life among the handful of decisionmakers in the People's Republic.
And some of this - but not very much - is in the Tiananmen Papers. For the most part, however, Zhao is laying in his own record of events that he personally participated in, leading with the Tiananmen incident of June 1989, but going back to the beginnings of reform and opening, for which Zhao's leadership in Sichuan province (and Wan Li's in Anhui) were seminal in the testing of agricultural reforms that were the foundation of China's present relative prosperity, and forward to an evaluation of China after Zhao's political demise and Zhao's evaluation of the leaders he worked with during nearly a decade at the center of the storm in Beijing.
Throughout, Zhao relies on what must have been a prodigious memory - assisted, almost certainly, by former assistant Bao Tong and other friends and colleagues. It's interesting, though, that Zhao gets some dates wrong (as pointed out by editorial notes by Bao Pu, son of Bao Tong), which suggests that, unlike most other memoirists, he had no documentation to work from and had to rely solely on his own notes and recall. From Zhao we get marvelous glimpses of how petty and preening life at the top was - and almost certainly remains, in a land where Politburo members are treated, except by themselves, as living gods. Moreover, following reports of a meeting between Deng and two other of the "Eight Immortal" senior party elders, Zhao gives a nod to their characterization of Deng's role as an authoritative "mother-in-law" to the Politburo Standing Committee, observing that this was an apt way of describing how the system worked. We also get detailed confirmation of how great a pack of old fools, opportunists, and ideologues were men like Li Xiannian, Bo Yibo, Li Peng, Yao Yilin, Hu Qiaomu, and Deng Liqun. Peng Zhen, the "grinning tiger," on the other hand, comes off rather well (as he does in the Tiananmen Papers, lobbying for the moderate reformer Wan Li to replace Zhao as party chief), as does Hu Qili, who was tossed overboard along with Zhao in May 1989.
Readers will want to know what Zhao, reflecting in his long political exile, ultimately thought of Deng Xiaoping, father of China's modern economy. Zhao provides a balanced appraisal of Deng, filled with gratitude at the opportunities Deng extended to him and at the same time pointing out problems of Deng's making, underscoring the fact that Deng was an economic liberal who wanted to unleash market forces in China but was NEVER a political reformer; instead, Deng was the driving force behind a host of "anti-liberal" campaigns that Chinese and Western analysts alike had attributed primarily to Chen Yun, Hu Qiaomu, and Deng Liqun and that created problems and contradictions within the reform movement. Zhao also provides a balanced, sympathetic account of his predecessor as party general secretary, Hu Yaobang, whose great-hearted impetuousness sped him to an early political demise, primarily, in Zhao's estimation, because Hu failed to take Deng's political conservatism and absolute deference to the Communist Party's political primacy more seriously and immediately.
Specialists will find this book thoroughly engrossing and the voice absolutely authentic. I'm astonished, however, that Simon and Schuster didn't see fit to help specialists and generalists out by including an index. The book does have a very useful 15 pp dramatis personae for which many, like readers of Russian novels, will be grateful. As Zhao's apology, this is a good one, and Zhao gives himself a good deal of credit for China's early advances in economic reform. He should: he was literally at the center of the storm during the seminal years of transformation and held the field against determined political foes. Many of his ideas, bloodied and battered, have been realized or remain in play, continuing to shape the debate particularly about political reform. One hopes that some day Chinese citizens will be able to freely acknowledge their debt to this their great countryman and mention him in the same breath as Deng Xiaoping, whose close colleague, idea man, sounding board, and implementing agent he was for the foundational decade.
And some of this - but not very much - is in the Tiananmen Papers. For the most part, however, Zhao is laying in his own record of events that he personally participated in, leading with the Tiananmen incident of June 1989, but going back to the beginnings of reform and opening, for which Zhao's leadership in Sichuan province (and Wan Li's in Anhui) were seminal in the testing of agricultural reforms that were the foundation of China's present relative prosperity, and forward to an evaluation of China after Zhao's political demise and Zhao's evaluation of the leaders he worked with during nearly a decade at the center of the storm in Beijing.
Throughout, Zhao relies on what must have been a prodigious memory - assisted, almost certainly, by former assistant Bao Tong and other friends and colleagues. It's interesting, though, that Zhao gets some dates wrong (as pointed out by editorial notes by Bao Pu, son of Bao Tong), which suggests that, unlike most other memoirists, he had no documentation to work from and had to rely solely on his own notes and recall. From Zhao we get marvelous glimpses of how petty and preening life at the top was - and almost certainly remains, in a land where Politburo members are treated, except by themselves, as living gods. Moreover, following reports of a meeting between Deng and two other of the "Eight Immortal" senior party elders, Zhao gives a nod to their characterization of Deng's role as an authoritative "mother-in-law" to the Politburo Standing Committee, observing that this was an apt way of describing how the system worked. We also get detailed confirmation of how great a pack of old fools, opportunists, and ideologues were men like Li Xiannian, Bo Yibo, Li Peng, Yao Yilin, Hu Qiaomu, and Deng Liqun. Peng Zhen, the "grinning tiger," on the other hand, comes off rather well (as he does in the Tiananmen Papers, lobbying for the moderate reformer Wan Li to replace Zhao as party chief), as does Hu Qili, who was tossed overboard along with Zhao in May 1989.
Readers will want to know what Zhao, reflecting in his long political exile, ultimately thought of Deng Xiaoping, father of China's modern economy. Zhao provides a balanced appraisal of Deng, filled with gratitude at the opportunities Deng extended to him and at the same time pointing out problems of Deng's making, underscoring the fact that Deng was an economic liberal who wanted to unleash market forces in China but was NEVER a political reformer; instead, Deng was the driving force behind a host of "anti-liberal" campaigns that Chinese and Western analysts alike had attributed primarily to Chen Yun, Hu Qiaomu, and Deng Liqun and that created problems and contradictions within the reform movement. Zhao also provides a balanced, sympathetic account of his predecessor as party general secretary, Hu Yaobang, whose great-hearted impetuousness sped him to an early political demise, primarily, in Zhao's estimation, because Hu failed to take Deng's political conservatism and absolute deference to the Communist Party's political primacy more seriously and immediately.
Specialists will find this book thoroughly engrossing and the voice absolutely authentic. I'm astonished, however, that Simon and Schuster didn't see fit to help specialists and generalists out by including an index. The book does have a very useful 15 pp dramatis personae for which many, like readers of Russian novels, will be grateful. As Zhao's apology, this is a good one, and Zhao gives himself a good deal of credit for China's early advances in economic reform. He should: he was literally at the center of the storm during the seminal years of transformation and held the field against determined political foes. Many of his ideas, bloodied and battered, have been realized or remain in play, continuing to shape the debate particularly about political reform. One hopes that some day Chinese citizens will be able to freely acknowledge their debt to this their great countryman and mention him in the same breath as Deng Xiaoping, whose close colleague, idea man, sounding board, and implementing agent he was for the foundational decade.
7 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on May 7, 2010
Verified Purchase
Zhao Ziyang rose to become Premier and later General Secretary of the Communist Party. Although he now held the most senior position in China's Leadership, he had to deal with an older generation of party veterans who lacked official titles but wielded ultimate authority. Zhao was supreme leader Deng Xiaoping's man and Deng began the process of transforming China's economy.
During the Tiananmen Square protests Zhao felt that the situation was not initially as serious as it later became and advocated defusing tensions by holding a series of meetings with and speeches to the students. Hardliners disagreed and what happened next reads like something out of Shakespeare as elders circled with daggers in their sleeves.
Zhao was cast from power and spent the remainder of his life under house arrest. He was unable to speak with journalists, foreigners or former colleagues. Through it all he kept a secret journal which was smuggled out of China after his death. In it he recounts the transformation and rapid growth of the Chinese economy, Tiananmen Square and his political downfall, and his prescription for the future China. This is a rare glimpse behind China's silk curtain of power.
I read Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang immediately after reading Beijing Coma: A Novel and would recommend that other interested readers do the same.
During the Tiananmen Square protests Zhao felt that the situation was not initially as serious as it later became and advocated defusing tensions by holding a series of meetings with and speeches to the students. Hardliners disagreed and what happened next reads like something out of Shakespeare as elders circled with daggers in their sleeves.
Zhao was cast from power and spent the remainder of his life under house arrest. He was unable to speak with journalists, foreigners or former colleagues. Through it all he kept a secret journal which was smuggled out of China after his death. In it he recounts the transformation and rapid growth of the Chinese economy, Tiananmen Square and his political downfall, and his prescription for the future China. This is a rare glimpse behind China's silk curtain of power.
I read Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang immediately after reading Beijing Coma: A Novel and would recommend that other interested readers do the same.
5 people found this helpful
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Top reviews from other countries
Chantal
5.0 out of 5 stars
Excellent story!
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on February 19, 2013Verified Purchase
I was recommended by a friend 2 years ago.
It is facinating! A good book to anyone who wants to know the mindset of native chinese.
It is facinating! A good book to anyone who wants to know the mindset of native chinese.
Tim
4.0 out of 5 stars
Eye opening for its first hand accounts exposing both the ...
Reviewed in Canada on July 11, 2017Verified Purchase
Eye opening for its first hand accounts exposing both the strengths and weaknesses of the CPC governance structure at its highest levels. As you get through it though it gets a little tiring, as you can imagine some bitterness comes through as he both definitively and speculatively lays blame for the mess that happened in the events leading up to 1989. Worthwhile read.
Stephan Ortmann
5.0 out of 5 stars
A Fascinating Read of Power-Politics in China before 1989
Reviewed in Germany on December 2, 2009Verified Purchase
This book is a must-read for anyone interested in modern Chinese politics and history. Zhao Ziyang, former secretary general of the Communist Party, tells his story leading up to the tragic events of June 4th, 1989. By doing so, he not only tells you about his world view and his ideas for a future China but also gives an hitherto unknown view behind the impregnable walls of the Chinese government. We learn about intrigues and about the various factions. Even though much of this is known, it is important to read it through the lenses of someone who has experienced it. In my opinion, this book is also a very good read, I could not stop reading. While there are repetitions, the editors have gone to great lengths to make a coherent story out of Zhao Ziyang's audio tapes.
One person found this helpful
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M.H. Bischoff
4.0 out of 5 stars
Excellent ouvrage pour quiconque cherche à comprendre la trajectoire sinueuse ...
Reviewed in Canada on November 7, 2014Verified Purchase
Excellent ouvrage pour quiconque cherche à comprendre la trajectoire sinueuse qui a été empruntée en Chine communiste, depuis les années'80, pour aboutir à un capitalisme d'État version asiatique. C'est en grande partie l'histoire de l'architecte de cette grande transformation qui nous est racontée ici: celle de Zhao Ziyang, de sa lutte contre les conservateurs du PCC et de sa mise à l'écart du Parti en résidence surveillée. Sas tentative de retrouver sa liberté comme simple citoyen est digne d'un récit kafkaien: ses accusateurs le maintiennent en détention sans jamais s'expliquer véritablement sur les accusations qui pèsent contre lui. Bref, un très bon ouvrage écrit par un homme qui a été pour un moment à la tête de la Chine communiste
Darreneeen
5.0 out of 5 stars
Excellent
Reviewed in Canada on October 22, 2019Verified Purchase
A book to understand the logic behind Chinese government’s behavior in 1980s. Zhao offers a unique perspective for us to understand the CCP and how it functions



