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Private Empire: ExxonMobil and American Power Paperback – May 28, 2013
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“Fascinating . . . Private Empire is a book meticulously prepared as if for trial . . . a compelling and elucidatory work.” —Bloomberg
From the award-winning and bestselling author of Ghost Wars and Directorate S, an extraordinary exposé of Big Oil. Includes a profile of current Secretary of State and former chairman and chief executive of ExxonMobil, Rex Tillerson
In this, the first hard-hitting examination of ExxonMobil—the largest and most powerful private corporation in the United States—Steve Coll reveals the true extent of its power. Private Empire pulls back the curtain, tracking the corporation’s recent history and its central role on the world stage, beginning with the Exxon Valdez accident in 1989 and leading to the Deepwater Horizon oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico in 2010. The action spans the globe—featuring kidnapping cases, civil wars, and high-stakes struggles at the Kremlin—and the narrative is driven by larger-than-life characters, including corporate legend Lee “Iron Ass” Raymond, ExxonMobil’s chief executive until 2005, and current chairman and chief executive Rex Tillerson, President-elect Donald Trump's nomination for Secretary of State. A penetrating, news-breaking study, Private Empire is a defining portrait of Big Oil in American politics and foreign policy.
- Print length704 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPenguin Books
- Publication dateMay 28, 2013
- Dimensions5.5 x 1.5 x 8.4 inches
- ISBN-100143123548
- ISBN-13978-0143123545
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“Fascinating . . . Private Empire is a book meticulously prepared as if for trial, a lawyerly accumulation of information that lets the facts speak for themselves . . . a compelling and elucidatory work.” —Bloomberg
“Private Empire is meticulous, multi-angled and valuable . . . Mr. Coll’s prose sweeps the earth like an Imax camera.” —Dwight Garner, The New York Times
"ExxonMobil has cut a ruthless path through the Age of Oil. Yet intense secrecy has kept one of the world's largest companies a mystery, until now. Private Empire: ExxonMobil and American Power is a masterful study of Big Oil's biggest player . . . Coll's in-depth reporting, buttressed by his anecdotal prose, make Private Empire a must-read. Consider Private Empire a sequel of sorts to The Prize, Daniel Yergin's Pulitzer-winning history of the oil industry . . . Coll's portrait of ExxonMobil is both riveting and appalling . . . Yet Private Empire is not so much an indictment as a fascinating look into American business and politics. With each chapter as forceful as a New Yorker article, the book abounds in Dickensian characters.” —San Francisco Chronicle
“Coll makes clear in his magisterial account that Exxon is mighty almost beyond imagining, producing more profit than any American company in the history of profit, the ultimate corporation in 'an era of corporate ascendancy.' This history of its last two decades is therefore a revealing history of our time, a chronicle of the intersection between energy and politics.” —Bill McKibben, New York Review of Books
“Groundbreaking . . . Masterful as a corporate portrait, Private Empire gushes with narrative.” —American Prospect
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
The defiant march added to the cracks spreading that spring through the structures of global politics. The Berlin Wall fell a few months later, in November. The Soviet Union fissured and then disappeared. Democratic and free-market revolutions and revivals swept through Central Europe, Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Ethnic, religious, and territorial conflicts, long subdued by the cold war, erupted one after another. The world was remade, tossed, liberated—and reopened for international business.
The Valdez wreck stunned Exxon and its rising leader, Lee Raymond. The disaster would change the corporation profoundly. Internal reforms imposed by Raymond in response to the accident would turn one of America’s oldest, most rigid corporations into an even harder, leaner place of rule books and fear-inspiring management techniques. At the same time, Raymond and the rest of Exxon’s leaders would gradually pass through the introspection triggered by the Valdez spill and seek out the oil and gas plays that opened so unexpectedly after 1989. An age of empire beckoned America and Exxon alike.
In a bracingly short time, Anglo-American optimism and idealism about free markets, foreign investment, and the rule of law found adherents in the most unlikely world capitals. Brand-new nations brimming with oil and gas and others previously closed to Western corporations hung out FOR LEASE signs to lure geologists from Houston and London: Russia, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Angola, Qatar, and tiny Equatorial Guinea, on the West African coast, soon to market itself through its Washington lobbyists as the “Kuwait of Africa.” These post–cold war opportunities for American, British, French, and Italian oil companies could be ambiguous, risky, and sometimes fleeting. Resentful nationalism and suspicion of the United States and Europe persisted in many capitals of the new oil powers. State-owned petroleum companies from China, India, Brazil, and elsewhere were rising quickly as competitors. Exxon might be America’s largest and most powerful oil corporation, but it would require all the political influence, financial resources, dazzling technology, speed, and stamina that its leaders could muster to seize the lucrative oil deals made possible by communism’s fall and global capitalism’s revival.
The United States now stood unchallenged as a worldwide military power. Exxon’s empire would increasingly overlap with America’s, but the two were hardly contiguous. Pentagon policy, after the Soviet Union’s demise, sought to keep international sea-lanes free; to reduce the global danger of nuclear war, terrorism, and transnational crime; to manage or contain Russia and China; to secure Israel; and to foster, against long odds, a stable Middle East from which oil supplies vital for global economic growth could flow freely. Exxon benefited from the new markets and global commerce that American military hegemony now protected. Yet the corporation’s activity also complicated American foreign policy; Exxon’s far-flung interests were at times distinct from Washington’s. Lee Raymond would manage Exxon’s global position after 1989 as a confident sovereign, a peer of the White House’s rotating occupants. Raymond aligned Exxon with America, but he was not always in sync; he was more akin to the president of France or the chancellor of Germany. He did not manage the corporation as a subordinate instrument of American foreign policy; his was a private empire.
Exxon’s power within the United States derived from an independent, even rebellious lineage. The corporation had been hived off from John D. Rockefeller’s Standard Oil monopoly in 1911, after a bruising antitrust campaign led by economic reformers and populist politicians. The visceral hostility toward Washington sometimes eschewed by Exxon executives eight decades later suggested some of them had still not gotten over it.
Exxon’s size and the nature of its business model meant that it functioned as a corporate state within the American state. Like its forebearer, Standard, Exxon proved across decades that it was one of the most powerful businesses ever produced by American capitalism. From the 1950s through the end of the cold war, Exxon ranked year after year as one of the country’s very largest and most profitable corporations, always in the top five of the annual Fortune 500 lists. Its profit performance proved far more consistent and durable than that of other great corporate behemoths of America’s postwar boom, such as General Motors, United States Steel, and I.B.M. In 1959, Exxon ranked as the second-largest American corporation by revenue and profit; four decades later it was third. And more than any of its corporate peers, Exxon’s trajectory now pointed straight up. The corporation’s revenues would grow fourfold during the two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and its profits would smash all American records.
As it expanded, Exxon refined its own foreign, security, and economic policies. In some of the faraway countries where it did business, because of the scale of its investments, Exxon’s sway over local politics and security was greater than that of the United States embassy. In impoverished African countries increasingly important to Exxon’s strategy, such as Chad, the weight of the corporation’s investments and the cash flow it shared with local governments overwhelmed the economy and became the central prize in violent local contests for power. In Moscow and Beijing, Exxon’s independent power and negotiating agenda competed with and sometimes attracted more attention than the démarches issued by American secretaries of state. Yet the corporation could also be insular and even passive in the faraway places where it acquired and produced oil and gas. It fenced off local operations and separated its workforce from upheaval outside its gates. If its oil fl owed and its contract terms remained intact, then Exxon often followed a directive of minimal interference in local politics, especially if those politics were controversial, as in the case of the African dictatorships with which the corporation partnered, or the countries, such as Indonesia and Venezuela, where civil conflict swirled around Exxon properties. In Washington, Exxon was a more confident and explicit political actor. The corporation’s lobbyists bent and shaped American foreign policy, as well as economic, climate, chemical, and environmental regulation. Exxon maintained all-weather alliances with sympathetic American politicians while calling as little attention to its influence as possible.
The cold war’s end signaled a coming era when nongovernmental actors—corporations, philanthropies, terrorist cells, and media networks— all gained relative power. Exxon’s size, insularity, and ideology made its position distinct. Unlike Walmart or Google (to name two other multinational corporations that would rise after 1989 to global influence), the object of Exxon’s business model lay buried beneath the earth. Exxon drilled holes in the ground and then operated its oil and gas wells for many years, and so its business imperatives were linked to the control of physical territory. Increasingly, the oil and gas Exxon produced was located in poor or unstable countries. Its treasure was subject to capture or political theft by coup makers or guerrilla movements, and so the corporation became involved in small wars and kidnapping rackets that many other international companies could gratefully avoid.
The time horizons for Exxon’s investments stretched out longer than those of almost any government it lobbied. “We see governments come and go,” Lee Raymond once remarked, an observation that was particularly true of Washington, with its constitutionally term-limited presidency. Exxon’s investments in a particular oil and gas field could be premised on a production life span of forty or more years. During that time, the United States might change its president and its foreign and energy policies at least half a dozen times. Overseas, a project’s host country might pass through multiple coups and political upheavals during the same four decades. It behooved Exxon to develop influence and lobbying strategies to manage or evade political volatility.
American spies and diplomats who occasionally migrated to work at Exxon discovered a corporate system of secrecy, nondisclosure agreements, and internal security that matched some of the most compartmented black boxes of the world’s intelligence agencies. The corporation’s information control systems guarded proprietary industrial data but also sought to protect its long-term strategic position by minimizing its visibility. Exxon’s executives deflected press coverage; they withheld cooperation from congressional investigators, if the letter of the law allowed; and they typically spoke in public by reading out sanitized, carefully edited speeches or PowerPoint slides. Their strategy worked: Exxon made a fetish of rules, but it rarely had to justify or explain publicly how it operated when the rules were gray.
As the Valdez wreck made obvious, Exxon’s massive daily operations—soon to produce 1.5 billion barrels of oil and gas pumped from the ground each year, and 50 billion gallons of gasoline sold worldwide—posed huge environmental risks. After the Valdez, Exxon would become again, as it had been in the first decades of Standard Oil’s existence, the most hated oil company in America.
When gasoline prices soared, American commuters felt powerless before its influence. In effect, Exxon was America’s energy policy. Certainly there was no governmental policy of comparable coherence. After fitful, failed efforts to wean itself from imported oil during the 1970s, the United States had evolved no effective government-led energy strategy. Its de facto policy was the operation of free markets amid a jumble of patchwork subsidies, contradictory rules, and weak regulatory agencies. The very weakness of policy favored Exxon. As the public’s frustration grew over rising pump prices and dependence on oil imports that transferred billions of dollars to hostile regimes overseas, Exxon became a natural lightning rod. The corporation managed this criticism with the same coolheaded patience and indifference that it employed to endure political risk in tinpot African dictatorships. Compromise was not the Exxon way.
Product details
- Publisher : Penguin Books; Reprint edition (May 28, 2013)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 704 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0143123548
- ISBN-13 : 978-0143123545
- Item Weight : 1.2 pounds
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 1.5 x 8.4 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #293,281 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #89 in Oil & Energy Industry (Books)
- #484 in Company Business Profiles (Books)
- #823 in Business Professional's Biographies
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Steve Coll is a writer for The New Yorker and author of the Pulitzer Prize- winning Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001. He is president of the New America Foundation, a public policy institute in Washington, D.C. Previously he served, for more than twenty years, as a reporter, foreign correspondent, and ultimately as managing editor of The Washington Post. He is also the author of On the Grand Trunk Road, The Deal of the Century, and The Taking of Getty Oil. Coll received a 1990 Pulitzer Prize for explanatory journalism and the 2001 Robert F. Kennedy Journalism Award for outstanding international print reporting and the 2000 Overseas Press Club Award for best magazine reporting from abroad. Ghost Wars, published in 2004, received the Pulitzer for general nonfiction and the Arthur Ross award for the best book on international affairs.
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The book divides into two part, the first part for Raymond and the second for Tillerson respectively. Featured personnel in this book, in ExxonMobil managerial position, are mostly new to you except Raymond and Tillerson. Coll put spot lights on exploring and lobbying divisions to scoop the core nature of the company. Coll titled this book as "Private Empire" and subtitled as "ExxonMobil and American Power." He tried to depict a private empire like corporation, sometimes competed with, and other times embodied of American power. ExxonMobil's reach and influence continued to exceed those of world's midsize governments in the world economy. Everything they did, the numbers were huge, in making profit, in paying tax. They continued exploration and production in countries where resource nationalism was gaining powers. They boldly challenged to every criticism with every tactics they had to protect shareholders' money. Employees called their head quarter in Irving as the "Death Star." Both Raymond and Tillerson carried out big merger in their tenure. Raymond directed the merger with Mobil, while Tillerson acquired XTO, a leading producer of shale and unconventional gas. It's too early to judge a positive effect of XTO. We are probably safe in thinking ExxonMobil took preparatory steps toward unconventional gas, where they and international competitors had missed the mother-lode lying beneath American soil. Everyday newspapers report indications that shale gas revolution rewrites the world's supply and demand balance. It is worthy of notice whether ExxonMobil is going to shift it's portfolio to gas main business, or not. Randall, who acted middleman with XTO, had a personal tie to Tillerson, they had belonged to the same marching band fraternity at the university of Texas. On the other hand, being a honeymoon relations between the Raymonds and the Cheneys, made ExxonMobil move smoothly within Bush administrations.
When Raymond took over the management of Exxon, he experienced two big incidents, the grounding of Valdez and the kidnapping of Reso, a president of oil and gas exploration and production outside of North America, who was murdered in the end. These disasters turned one of America's oldest, most rigid corporations into an even harder, leaner place of rule books and fear-inspiring management techniques. It led to a creating OIMS/CIMS, strengthening security division and implementing employee ranking system. Raymond integrated the new corporate safety rules into an intensified top-down culture of command management emanating from Exxon headquarters. Employees had to begin with a "safety minutes" as receptive as the routines of commercial flight attendants before takeoff. The ranking system, as you know well of, analogous to natural selection, hardened Exxon's culture and wrote the corporation's DNA. Coll rote ExxonMobil led in its upper management ranks by people who were not only supporters of the OIMS reforms, but true believers. When the merger took place, oil companies were getting hard pressure from the stock market. While the oil price hit the bottom, the declining figures of the booked reserves deteriorated the value of oil companies' stocks. The size of booked reserves only allowed shareholders to estimate future profits with relatively high confidence. The replacement of resource stocks was fundamental to keep the company from sinking. By merger with Mobil, Exxon attained big increase in the booked reserves. Raymond said Qatar alone was probably valuable enough to justify the full Mobil merger price, all its oil and gas fields in Africa, Asia, and Soviet Union were a bonus. However, he also acquired a small war. It was a conflict that Mobil had been struggling with for decades. Noto said his nightmare was to pick up the New York Times and read that both Nigeria and Indonesia were in flames. After the merger Raymond was forced to face directly with the prevailing resource nationalism within these developing countries. Countries offering drilling rights involved various internal conflicts, racial matters, and human right violation problems. ExxonMobil kept pretending indifferent to those issues. The issues of concern to ExxonMobil were largely limited to the production of oil and the sanctity of contracts. If it's oil flowed and it's contract terms remained interacts, then ExxonMobil often followed a directive of minimal interference in local politics. As long as it's property and employees weren't put in danger, they rejected the interference by the American government and ran their business in low profile. ExxonMobil did not demand anything from the American government, but it did not want the government to do anything to the company, either. They withdrew into the hard shell and never disclosed anything related to the company. Coll introduced a episode of the ExxonMobil management who only quoted publicized BP's figures at every outside company events. Raymond's belief seems to be solid at any time. He promoted free trade, open markets, low taxes, maximized oil production everywhere, that filled the global pool with as much new oil as possible, and thus kept global oil prices low, to benefit of American economy. Amusing parts in this book would be ExxonMobil's various activities in Indonesia, Equatorial Guinea, Chad, Nigeria, Qatar, Iraq, and Soviet Union, which were not informed to us fully at that time. It would be a good chance for us, who only know domestic activity, to see the other side of the company, including actual performance by the security division.
When Raymond dominated the company, oil companies were compelled to tackle with a global warming issue and a clean energy policy. Doc. Raymond believed fossil fuels would be central to the energy economy for the foreseeable future from the reason alternatives to oil were not economically competitive. He insisted evidence about man-made climate change was an illusion and that a binding agreement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions was therefore unnecessary. His opinion had borne fruit, the Outlook for Energy : A View to 2030, which you knew well. He opposed every steps by governments to reduce oil consumption as it would curtail economic growth resultantly. Instead he simply predicted an endless rise in the demand for the fossil fuels his company sells, and maintained that there was nothing that could be done to alter that. To decide the successor of Raymond had a rough passage. Raymond told the board that the most important quality his successor would require was toughness-the ability to stand up to governments, pressure groups, environmentalists, and special pleaders of all types. Galante had supporters on the board until the final decision was made. Tillerson basically followed Raymond's footsteps. However, as the American politics shifted to the democrats, the corporation subtly slid into a new positions. Tillerson carefully reset the corporation's profile on climate positions so that it would be more sustainable and less exposed. The corporation acknowledged, for the first time, that it would be sound public policy, nonetheless, to limit man-made greenhouse gas emissions to at least some extent, because of the potential risk that the worst climate change forecast might prove to be correct. ExxonMobil believed the predictability of a progressive carbon tax would encourage new investment in carbon reduction technology, which would protect shareholders' properties eventually. Tillerson was exposed to hard protests than before from consumers who longed for safety and clean environment. Coll took up two cases in this book, a gasoline spill from the underground tank of Jacksonville service station and DINP disputes. DINP, which was used to soften vinyl toys for children, might interfere with the development of reproductive organs if very young children were exposed as their bodies developed. Coll revealed interesting reality among ExxonMobil. One thing is the retail gasoline stations had always been an unglamorous stepchild division within ExxonMobil. And the other is upstream dwarfed chemical, and the latter's executives often labored in the shadows of their oil brethren. The almost all pages of this book was allocated for the upstream activities. The corporation declared to be willing to pay for declining property values and proven medical claims, including documented emotional distress in principal. Nonetheless, once the verdict was in, ExxonMobil rejected the jury's decision and defied it would appeal. They said It's not their money, it's not the company's, it's shareholders'.
There was a rumor Raymond being henpecked husband. The book didn't say anything like that. Raymond and Charlene kept separate bedrooms, in part because he snored, but mainly because he stayed up until about midnight to read and make up his files. His life was the company itself. In the intervals of his business he enjoyed golfing and game hunting. Tillerson experienced a divorce and remarriage during his early career, was fond of the boy scout activity. He frequently cited the Scout Oath and Scout Law in corporate speeches. Was it demands of times, Tillerson who had background of upstream had to struggle with issues of downstream while Raymond who specialized in downstream business spared much his efforts to upstream matters. To evaluate Tillerson's achievement would be too early at this stage. Is ExxonMobil's total portfolio shifting away from oil toward gas. On the other hand, how does Tonengeneral write unique scenario to survive these times. This book would give you some valuable hints. I am expecting you doing your best to grow your company.
Mr. Coll chose to focus on ExxonMobil in the post-Cold War era. Daniel Yergin's THE PRIZE provides keen insights into the rough-and-tumble global oil industry during the preceding century. Utilizing over 400 interviews, exhaustive documentary research (including Wikileak telegrams), and personal visits to ExxonMobil facilities around the world, Mr. Coll provides a coherent and credible picture of how this ccmpany functioned under CEOs Lee "Iron Ass" Raymond (1993-2005) and Rex Tillerson (2006-). The nature of ExxonMobil was clearly expressed by Raymond: "I'm not a U. S. company and I don't make decisions based on what is good for the U. S." and "Presidents come and go; Exxon doesn't come and go."
Exxon was driven by a long-term necessity to replace and expand its long-term proven oil and gas reserves and to maintain a high return on investments This was becoming increasingly difficult in the post-Cold War world. It triggered the blockbuster acquisitions of Mobil in 1998 and, for its anticipated gas reserves, XTO in 2010.
The search for new reserves rendered ExxonMobil increasingly dependent on volatile and often corrupt areas ranging from Aceh in Indonesia to Chad and Equatorial Guinea in Africa. ExxonMobil maintained a pragmatic position towards 'human rights' and corruption in these areas while often benefiting from U. S. government direct and indirect support. Quite frequently U. S. officials would subsequently become ExxonMobil employees.
ExxonMobil operated at the highest levels, whether in Russia or in Washington. For example, in the aftermath of the 1989 Exxon Valdez Alaskan oil spill, Raymond, after a chat with President H. W. Bush, swiftly scuppered Coast Guard Commandant Paul Yost's urgent demand for an additional 5000 people to clean up the beaches.
ExxonMobil was managed with military discipline. Headquarters controlled both policy and specific details, often with PowerPoint slides. Given Raymond's total rejection of climate change arguments, ExxonMobil Washington lobbyists adhered to this position with lock-step precision. Later, when CEO Tillerson found it necessary to alter this position and even express moderate support for a carbon tax, Exxon's Washington apparatcheks immediately did a 180.
The BP Deepwater Horizon massive Gulf of Mexico oil spill in 2010 involved, by association, other major oil companies, including ExxonMobil. Though the company had significantly enhanced its safety measures after the Exxon Valdez catastrophe, this was an example of how 'Big Oil' would be blamed, even though the immediate culprit was BP and its service contractors.
Mr. Coll has written a highly readable and amazingly detailed account of how ExxonMobil, one of the largest global companies, functions often as an entity unto itself. I recall various instances when the U. S. government accommodated ExxonMobil's interests. I can not recall an occasion when the opposite occurred. I do not conclude from Mr. Coll's account that ExxonMobil is a 'bad' company. In fact, it seems well run and has been highly profitable for decades. Nonetheless, it is a 800 pound gorilla and is perfectly capable of throwing its weight around, whether in Washington or elsewhere.
Top reviews from other countries
Technical yet easy to ready.
Bit lengthy yet gives you the entire picture behind hydrocarbons, their extractions, and the dealings and controversies associated with ExxonMobil.












