Other Sellers on Amazon
Progressive Racism Hardcover – April 26, 2016
Inspire a love of reading with Amazon Book Box for Kids
Discover delightful children's books with Amazon Book Box, a subscription that delivers new books every 1, 2, or 3 months — new Amazon Book Box Prime customers receive 15% off your first box. Learn more.
Enter your mobile number or email address below and we'll send you a link to download the free Kindle App. Then you can start reading Kindle books on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required.
To get the free app, enter your mobile phone number.
Frequently bought together
About the Author
- ASIN : 1594038597
- Publisher : Encounter Books (April 26, 2016)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 320 pages
- ISBN-10 : 9781594038594
- ISBN-13 : 978-1594038594
- Item Weight : 1.47 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.5 x 1 x 9.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #581,337 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- Customer Reviews:
Top reviews from the United States
There was a problem filtering reviews right now. Please try again later.
This compilation of Horowitz' essays runs the gamut from his time as a left-wing radical supporting the Black Panthers against white society to his ongoing struggle to uncover and expose the organizations behind this genocidal movement that evolved from communism, the Frankfurt school, and wealthy subversive ethnic supremacist elites. These elites use "anti-discrimination" false fronts and prog useful idiots easily misled into thinking they're fighting for "equality" and "fairness" to foment anti-white violence, discrimination, and defamation as part of their Machiavellian agenda to establish their own supremacy and ruthless subjugation of all other ethnic groups. The wealthy extremists view white/Christian civilization as the last barrier to world domination.
The arc of David Horowitz’s life, traced in his autobiography Radical Son, has gone from Left
to Right, from red-diaper baby of communist parents to major critic of the Old and New Left in
their former form as supports of Stalin and the Communist Party, to their present form as
“Progressives” whose chief goal is to undermine America. Horowitz graduated from Columbia
and Berkeley, was an editor of Ramparts Magazine, supporter of the Black Panthers, and worked
with Bertrand Russell and leading European Marxists. However, Khrushchev’s 1957 exposure of
Stalin, and Horowitz’s direct observation of the murders by the Black Panthers, and failure of the
Left to condemn them, as they had failed or refused to condemn Stalin, led to his disaffection.
But many on the Left abandoned Stalin and Communism, but still not small letter socialism and
communism. If some no longer defended Soviet, Chinese, Vietnamese, or Cuban communism
(though many still did and do), they did not abandon the dream of a purer socialism, with its
false promises of moralism and democracy. His philosophical revelation was that spirit and
conscience were essential in making history, a departure from Marxist economic determinism.
He, and co-author Peter Collier, wrote a series of best-selling books on the Rockefellers,
Kennedys, and Fords, but, when they turned right, he became a non-person to the Left. To a large
extent, as Ronald Reagan famously said, he didn’t leave the Left; it left him. But, unlike the
authors of The God That Failed, he also abandoned communism, Marxism, and socialism,
recognizing that they need totalitarianism to succeed, and succeed, where implemented, only in
producing poverty, slavery, and murder, as in Vietnam. And the Left never took responsibility
for its horrible “accomplishments.”
This reviewer is of an age with Horowitz and, from slightly different perspectives, has
watched the same persons and events, and mostly concurs with his judgments.
Progressive Racism is volume 7 of his “Black Book of the American Left,” a series of 47
essays exposing the role of the Old and New Left ideas and persons in making today’s
Democratic and Progressive Agenda. It consists of period essays, mostly from 1997-2002, with
three 2014 essays at the end dealing with more recent events such as the Zimmerman/Martin
case, the Duke La Crosse case, and Ferguson. Some of these essays are prescient, but others
suffer from his lack of legal knowledge. They represent Horowitz’s response to the events of
those years, including 9/11, the War on Terror, and the Wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, but are
primarily focused on the Democratic Party and the American academy becoming increasingly
servient to the new “racism,” which, lacking actual facts and cases, conceived the Marxist myth
of “institutional racism,” to explain any “disproportionate” presences or absences of favored
minority groups. Whites are now, like capitalists formerly, guilty by definition, and favored
minorities possess the innocence wrongly attributed to them by Rousseau: they could return to
Paradise if only freed from White and Western civilization. To defend their positions, the new
Progressive Racists engage in suppression of free speech and Marcuse’s Repressive Tolerance,
including epithets, accusations instead of encounters and refutations, and actual violence. Using
the methods of “McCarthyism,” the Progressive systematically employ its techniques of false
accusation, name calling, guilt by association, violence, and systemic attack and eradication of
Progressive Racism describes the transformation of the Civil Rights movement from opposing
racism—the denigration of individuals on the basis of skin color - into a movement endorsing
race preferences and privileges based on skin color. When the 1964 Civil Rights Act passed, its
Senate sponsor Hubert Humphrey testified that it prevented the use of race; within a few years,
the Left and the Supreme Court turned in around 180 degrees, with quotas, affirmative action,
preferences, and now diversities. Horowitz describes the tragic changes under the leadership of
racial extortionists like Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton, who took the movement for American
pluralism of King’s “I have a dream,” and turned it into a movement in which white Americans
are guilty before the facts are in, and African Americans, even if they kill other blacks, are
innocent even if the facts prove them guilty.
Part I shows the relationship of Marxism and modern racist politics. Part II deals the new Civil
Rights movement, whose values and purposes of the opposite of King. Part III with the new
Racial Correctness. Part IV examines the reparations for slavery movement, of which Horowitz
was a major and successful opponent. Part V deals with Progressive Racism, where whiteness
has become the new capitalism, the new evil to be eradicated. The last three essays deals with
more recent events.
Horowitz analyzes how the Left manipulates African Americans and keeps them locked up in
the liberal ghetto (except at election time), creating policies that impoverish poor blacks and
forbidden them access to the American Dream. Horowitz bravely examines events ranging from
the persecution of the Duke lacrosse team to the Ferguson riots; personalities ranging from Louis
Farrakhan to Cornel West; policies ranging from affirmative action to reparations for slavery;
and racist organizations ranging from Black Lives Matter to the Southern Poverty Center to the
NAACP. He shows how the Democrats, in political control of America’s major cities for the last
65 years, have systematically trashed them, driving out business, allowing crime to metastasize,
and closing the doors on the minorities forced to live there. He shows how the police, targeted by
progressives, are the last best hope for black people forced to live in the violent cities the Left
controls. Democrats and the Left are African-Americans’ worst enemies. Along the way, he tells
truths, brings events and people back out of the Liberal memory hole, and tells the present
generation what its parents will not tell about their affairs with Marxism, communism, socialism,
and all their evils.
Radicals still consider themselves socialists (Witness Senator Sanders and his followers), but exonerate themselves from socialism’s crimes. The Left refuses to hold itself accountable for the results it fought for and for which it was essential, such as Communist victory in Indochina, which resulted in the enslavement, exile, and murders of millions. Dissecting the left’s hypocrisy, however, is the Horowitz métier, as he dissents from the celebration of the 1960s to tell the brutal truth about then and now. “Wherever the revolutionary left has triumphed, its triumph has meant economic backwardness and social poverty, cultural deprivation and the loss of political freedom for all those unfortunate peoples under its yoke. This is the real legacy of the left of which you and I were a part. We called ourselves progressives; but we were the true reactionaries of the modern world.”
Top reviews from other countries
The author David Horowitz is white and Jewish by birth, but there is racial intermarriage in his family.
Examples of points he makes:
--‘The National Civil Rights Museum’ in Memphis, Tennessee, in the very building where Martin Luther King was assassinated, is supposed to honour his memory. Yet Dr King opposed racism and violence by blacks and by whites and refused to appear on the same platform as Malcolm X until the latter accepted these principles. Yet apart from King and Malcolm X, the largest portrait in the Museum is of Elijah Mohammed:
‘who taught that white people were invented 6,600 years ago by a mad scientist called Yacub in a failed experiment to dilute the blood of human beings, who at the time were all black. The result was a morally tainted strain of humanity – “white devils” who went on to devastate the world and oppress all other human beings, and whom God would one day destroy in a liberating Armageddon’. [This is still the doctrine of the black ‘Nation of Islam’ organisation. Imagine the reaction if a museum honoured a white person who championed a similarly crazy and racist theory about blacks!]
-Black leaders like Louis Farrakhan of the Nation of Islam have made anti-Semitism semi-respectable, in a way that white leaders would never get away with.
-‘If African-Americans are oppressed, what would explain the desire of so many blacks to come to America’s shores and –in the case of Haitians- to risk their lives doing so?’
-‘The primary reason that African-American children are poor is cultural, not institutional or racial. If it were racial, there would be no (or only a small) black middle class, whereas the black middle class is now the majority of the black population*. Statistically speaking, a child born into a single parent family is five times more likely to be poor than a child born into a family with two parents, regardless of race.’
*In the USA ‘middle class’ has a broader meaning than in Britain, including skilled manual workers who might be considered ‘upper working class’ here.
-‘The break-up of families and widespread illegitimacy among inner city blacks that probably helps to cause the high rates of crime and low rates of educational achievement is hard to blame directly on the legacy of slavery or segregation since it mostly occurred in the decades after desegregation and the Civil Rights Acts, more likely made possible by welfare schemes…. Black families were 90% intact in the 1940s and as late as 1965 were 75% intact. …Slavery is so far in the past that those who claim it still has effects on present generations have a heavy burden of proof which none of them have even attempted to provide.”
-Colleges that run racial preference programmes do not like to admit it, but ‘the excessive drop-out rates among students who take advantage of college racial preference policies indicate the problems accessing higher education are more to do with upbringing and attitude than discrimination, things that can’t be remedied by government policy, short of forcing biological parents to get married? By requiring them to teach their offspring to study hard…? Is this even practical? Is it wise?’
-On the demand for blacks to be paid ‘reparations’ by the government (i.e. by the present day American tax payers) for the wrongs of slavery down to its abolition in the 1860s at the time of the American Civil War: ‘the majority of Americans are descended from immigrants after the Civil War. What reason could there be that Vietnamese boat people, Russian refuseniks, Iranian refugees, Armenian victims of the Turks or Polish, Hungarian or Korean victims of communism should pay reparations to American blacks? There is no reason, and no proponent of reparations has ever bothered to come up with one.’ He also asks if white Americans descended from the more than 100,000 Union soldiers who gave their lives in the Civil War that ended slavery should be liable to pay reparations to blacks- have their families not already made a large enough sacrifice?
-‘The very phrase “institutional racism” – necessary because there are very few overt racists available- is, of course, a leftish invention. It is also a totalitarian concept like “ruling class”, it refers to an abstraction, not a responsible individual…you are a class enemy (or in this case a race enemy) not because of anything you actually say or do but “objectively” – because you are in a structure of power that gives you (white skin) privilege…makes all whites guilty.’
-‘The problem with the black underclass is not that it is unemployed, but that it is unemployable.’
-‘the existence of white racism is a cliché, while the existence of black racism is a taboo’. Racially motivated crimes by blacks against whites, even murder, are little reported; when it is the other way round they are often big news, seized on by media and politicians. The author presents hard evidence both from recorded crime figures and from sometimes tragic individual cases that this is so.
-White identical twins Philip and Paul Malone applied for jobs with the Boston Fire Department and were both rejected for failing the entrance test. Two years later, claiming to have discovered that they had an African-American great-grandmother, they reclassified themselves as black, re-took the entrance test and again both scored well below the pass mark required for whites, but this time got the jobs anyway under ”affirmative action”. [I hope for the safety of Bostonians of all races that compromising entry standards for fire fighters to meet racial quotas does not make the fire service less effective fighting fires.]
-‘Black skin privilege guarantees not only exemptions from intellectual and political standards that others are required to meet, but from moral standards as well. What white celebrity, having shot his brother as a juvenile, dealt cocaine as an adult, and stabbed a rival business executive with a five-inch blade, could count an American president among his friends and be invited to host his political fund-raisers? But rapper Jay-Z did exactly that during Obama’s 2012 re-election run, and both he and the president could remain confident that no one would suggest it was a problem.’
-‘Racial bias is now such an integral part of America’s political culture that in 2008 black skin privilege elected a president of the United States. Absent this privilege, is the career of our 44th president conceivable? What political novice, lacking notable legislative or professional achievements, having spent his entire career on the radical fringes of American politics, and having encumbered himself with an unrepentant terrorist and a racial bigot as his close political collaborators, could even think of winning a major party presidential nomination, let alone being elected? Absent black skin privilege, what candidate with such a checkered past could go virtually un-vetted by the national press, or receive a pass from his political opponent on matters that would sink the fortunes of a candidate of any other race?’
[Compare the point in the recent book 'Natives' by Akala that Obama might well not have been elected without his relatively light-coloured skin resulting from his racially mixed parentage, which made him seem a less threatening to white voters. I see no contradiction between that and Horowitz's point above.]
The author makes other important points that you must read the book to discover.