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Pussycats: Why the Rest Keeps Beating the West Paperback – June 5, 2016
Purchase options and add-ons
- Print length256 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- Publication dateJune 5, 2016
- Dimensions6 x 0.58 x 9 inches
- ISBN-101533232008
- ISBN-13978-1533232007
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Product details
- Publisher : CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform (June 5, 2016)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 256 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1533232008
- ISBN-13 : 978-1533232007
- Item Weight : 12.3 ounces
- Dimensions : 6 x 0.58 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,360,477 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #2,955 in National & International Security (Books)
- #3,891 in Political Commentary & Opinion
- #4,403 in Military Strategy History (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Martin van Creveld is widely acknowledged as one of the world’s leading experts on military history and strategy. He is the author of 27 books, which between them have been published in 20 languages. The best known one is The Transformation of War, which back in 1991 predicted the ongoing shift from large-scale conventional warfare to insurgency and terrorism.
In addition to military affairs, van Creveld has written extensively about political history (The Rise and Decline of the State), Israel history, American history, and women’s history.
He lives near Jerusalem with his wife, Dvora Lewy.
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Top reviews from the United States
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He begins with observations of childhood in the West, and this chapter alone earned the book five stars. I have followed the ADHD fiasco generally, but one his factoids that startled me was the revelation that Ritalin is closely related to cocaine. The text is carefully annotated, allowing me to look up the references, and sure enough it is. Worse, “an astounding 19 percent of high school-age boys— ages 14 to 17— in the US [had] been diagnosed with ADHD and about 10 percent [were] taking medication for it.” (location 784 on my Kindle.) This is just one symptom of failure among the many he has identified related to our childhood practices. The rot, when seen through eyes that are not blinded by false hopes and inane optimism for the endless therapies our government is so anxious to impose on our children, is widespread and much more pervasive than you might imagine. But on reflection, you will see that everything he describes was known to you before, but you hadn't put it in a more comprehensive context or realized how out of proportion these interventions have become.
This chapter is followed by "Defanging the Troops", which deals with the progressive attempt to make combat more civilized and controlled. The extent to which this process has succeeded is discouraging, because the "control" is unilateral, and our opponents laugh at our stupidity. Again a factoid, one of hundreds, will surprise you. The Army, with about 440,000 in uniform in 1998, had 4,438 active duty lawyers (location 1206.) The growth of mercenary armies is described as one result of the intentional disabling of our forces. Chapter 3 is "Feminizing the Forces", and it lays bare the failure of the project to mix men and women together in the military. Chapter 4 deals with Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. I don't fully agree with some of his conclusions, (shell-shock is likely a measurable impairment of the brain caused by an explosion,) but I certainly agree with his thesis that this has been a vehicle that has been used by the left to discredit and dishonor our troops. The common narrative in the press is our soldiers are damaged goods, and there has been very little to counter this falsehood. Chapter 5 is "Delegitimizing War" and it traces the conscientious objector movement through the last three centuries and describes the West's current focus on treaties and international institutions to eliminate war altogether. He also describes the rise of "Rights" within Western societies at the same time that "Duties" are forgotten. Like other topics in previous chapters, he uses word searches of books and reports to track our culture's interest in these ideas over time. It is discouraging.
His last chapter provides prescriptions for what ails us, and it is the least persuasive.
One particular strength of the book is that it identifies the agencies within our culture that have embraced what are likely to be suicidal projects to unilaterally disarm before a hostile world. For example, think of all the actors who have an interest in our children. They occupy desks in vast bureaucracies ranging from the public schools, to child "welfare" agencies, to Federal agencies that fund the subservient groups with grants conditional on adopting Federal guidelines. All of these bureaucrats act without personal accountability, and each has an interest in growing their area of control. And it is control without responsibility. Then think of the average citizen who has been sold a bill of goods by the government for its ability to intervene in each of life's little difficulties, from deciding whether to see a Doctor for an ailment, to allowing the school nurse to dope their child with powerful psychoactive drugs. And if a parent doesn't go along to get along, they risk having their child taken from them. Everyone seems to have rights to enjoy all the baubles offered by the government, but none has a duty to see that these baubles actually improve our lives. This is a very corrosive situation.
The essence of Creveld’s argument is that we (both the U.S. and Western Europe) have de-militarized our military. The introduction of women is one of the factors, but not the only one, although if a military is to fight it must have an aggressively male culture. That is unacceptable not only to the women in the military but to a broadly womanized society and culture. It would not surprise our ancestors to hear that a womanized society can’t fight.
But Creveld looks at influences well beyond womanization. The de-militarizing of our armed forces begins, he argues, with the way we now raise children, especially boys. No longer do they “go out and play”, get into fights, get into difficulties they have to find their own ways out of. Rather, they live controlled, “safe” lives where they always have adult supervision and are instructed in how to do everything before they have to do it. Instead of growing up, they are forever infantilized.
This problem is very real. Recently, I recommended to a friend, a lieutenant colonel at the Marine Corp’s Basic School for new lieutenants, that they reinstitute the “Zen patrol”. In the Zen patrol, which TBS used to do, new lieutenants are simply taken out on a patrol, without having received any instruction in patrolling. They have to figure it out for themselves, which means they also learn how to learn.
My friend replied, “You cannot do that with this generation. In everything they have ever done, they have had adult instruction and supervision. If you don’t first tell them what to do and how to do it, they get angry. They say, “You are setting me up for failure to embarrass me in front of my peers.”
War, of course, presents many situations where you have to figure out what to do on your own. The enemy doesn’t follow your play book. Creveld raises the question, “How will these infantilized soldiers and Marines do against fighters who, as kids, had to figure out everything on their own?”
Creveld goes on to discuss the war on men and all things masculine, which is probably the central factor in de-militarizing our militaries. Again, if a military is to fight, its culture must be aggressively male. Not only is that now socially unacceptable, increasingly it is illegal. In response, our soldiers and Marines turn what was a calling into just a job. A friend who recently visited Camp Pendleton said to me, “I did not see anything military the whole time I was there. Every Marine has a car, nice housing, comfortable, Holiday Inn-style facilities. Nothing I saw had anything to do with war.” Pendleton has been de-militarized.
Not surprisingly, van Creveld, whose book Men, Women and War makes a definitive case against trying to mix young women and young men cheek-by-jowl in military services, then crucify the young men if there is any bunga-bunga (or just lustful looks: the military has resurrected “rape by leer”), returns to the theme here. The pursuit of “equality”, hopelessly mis-defined as pretending that men and women are interchangeable, brings the end of masculinity, which gives you a military that won’t fight. I will go beyond Martin and put it bluntly: if we don’t get the women back out, starting with the combat units, we will have armed services that, like the Prussian Army in 1806 (for different reasons), will collapse at a touch. We might as well save ourselves a trillion dollars a year and replace the whole thing with an 800 number that, when you call it, says “We surrender” in a variety of languages.
Pussycats concludes with a needed discussion of PTSD, which now seems universal but was not in previous, far bloodier wars, and with Western societies delegitimizing war itself. Those societies now see any kind of war, even against people who would give us the choice of converting to their religion or getting our throats cut, as morally wrong. There can be, in effect, no more just wars, and all enemy casualties are to be wept over.
History’s verdict is simple: such societies will be defeated, destroyed, and replaced by cultures that still have a grip on reality. De-militarization must now go to the head of the military reform agenda, because societies that cannot fight cannot win.
Top reviews from other countries
Martin Van Creveld addresses this expertly by contrasting history with the present in order to illustrate the maladies of our modern armed forces. Started in childhood, where the West has become increasingly infantilised and Van Creveld describes how we have become mentally soft and unable to take initiate, to endure hardships and take the risks necessary for military success.
From there he documents the artificial restraints the West puts on fighter, the costs of feminising the Military, the invention and growth of PTSD and the delegitimisation of war in a fascinating tour through the evolution of our attitudes towards the Military.
When times are easy we have the luxury of believing things that don't correspond closely with reality. This book helps to illustrate how almost 70 years without invasion has allowed Western Powers to hold a number of indulgent ideas about war which may end up proving very costly.
In summary, a perspective changing read.


