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Quien mato al obispo? (Spanish Edition) Paperback – January 1, 2004
- Print length269 pages
- LanguageSpanish
- PublisherPlaneta
- Publication dateJanuary 1, 2004
- Dimensions5.5 x 0.5 x 8.75 inches
- ISBN-109706909699
- ISBN-13978-9706909695
Product details
- Publisher : Planeta (January 1, 2004)
- Language : Spanish
- Paperback : 269 pages
- ISBN-10 : 9706909699
- ISBN-13 : 978-9706909695
- Item Weight : 9.6 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 0.5 x 8.75 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #3,914,047 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #143,051 in Politics & Government (Books)
- #203,847 in Libros en español (Special Features Stores)
- #802,632 in Religion & Spirituality (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
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But de la Grange and Rico were uneasy after covering the trial in its entirety. They began their own investigation at some peril to themselves. Because if these scapegoats weren't the real killers, whoever was had very powerful and dangerous connections to the Portillo/ Rios-Montt governement, which was the most corrupt in recent Guatemala history. It is not about defending "the military", but ditinguishing who's who in the military.
What was overlooked in our immediate enthusiasm for the fact that military impunity had apparently been broken is twofold: One, there is no such thing as a monolithic guatemalan military, but rather an institution riven by factions associated with different graduating classes of officers, by different areas such as intelligence or logistics, and by personal rivalries and animosities, that have become murderous since some former intelligence officers have turned their cold-war impunity to more profitable criminality that just mere murder. And two, what we lose sight of here with all our hopes for Guatemala and her people to have a peaceful, democratic future is that that future will remain impossible as long the judicial system can be manipulated by political and criminal powers. Without a completely independent and impartial judiciary system, Guatemala remains a street-fight without a referee.
What de la Grange and Rico have done here is to take a valiant stand for that future democracy by taking an internationally unpopular stance to which their investigation lead them. Ok,not these military officers, but, yes, perhaps some others,named and identified. The conviction had already been overturned once by an Appeals Court, but then ratified by a Supreme Court that had been stacked by the Portillo/Rios-Mont government. It is important to note that it wasn't at all an unpopular stance here in Guatemala, where there is little love for the army but where their book broke all best-sellers records and was widely praised by a population that had learned to distrust anything that came out of the Portillo/Rios-Monnt government.
For further details, please see my review and comments on the Francisco Goldman page.
On April 26, 1998, Monseñor Juan Gerardi Conedera, Auxillary Bishop of Guatemala, was brutally murdered in the garage of the Chruch of San Sabastián in Guatemala City. His death came two days following his public presentation of "Guatemala, Nunca Más," a report sponsored by the Organización de Derechos Humanos del Arzobispado (ODHA) in what is known as the Proyecto de Recuperación de la Memoria Histórica (REHMI). The report covered the results of a multiyear effort to interview Guatemalans in an attempt to reveal the reality of the atrocities committed during Guatemala's 36 year civil war and to assign responsibility. The idea behind identifying those responsible was one of truth and forgiveness. It should have been no great surprise that vast majority of responsibility fell to the Guatemalan state and army. Following an investigation and a bizarre trial, three active and former military officers were convicted in Gerardi's murder along with another resident priest of San Sebastián as an accomplice. All indications at the time and even now point to Gerardi's murder as a politically sponsored crime.
Not so!, claim Maite Rico and Bertrand de la Grange. Their claim in this book is that the prosecutors with the help of the Church covered-up the truth for political reasons, which lead to the wrongful conviction of three innocent military officers. Their position is that this crime was actually committed by a gang known as Valle de Sol along with a Church insider by the name Ana Lucía Escobar, the supposed daughter of Monseñor Efraín Hernández, one Gerardi's fellow clergymen. Their purpose was to rob valuable church artifacts and leave the impression that the murder was committed for political reasons in order to cover their tracks. Obviously, the priest convicted as an accomplice gets no repreive; he's in on it because his dog bit Gerardi during the attack that took his life. According the authors, this impression was further promoted by political adversaries of President Alvaro Arzú and his administration. Rico and de la Grange summarize their whole argument perfectly in the second to the last section of Chapter 11. Their argument contains so many assumptions that it completely violates the principle of Ockham's razor. The truth is that the prosecution in this case discarded the Valle de Sol scenario because there was simply no convincing evidence to support it.
The other problem with this book are a series of arguments that seem gratuitous and reveal an obvious bias on the part of the authors. Rico and de la Grange suggest that Monseñor Gerardi was not deserving of the title of martyr (his murder was a common, domestic crime) and that he was actually a coward, at least in the minds of fellow priests in Quiché, for abandoning the Diocese of Quiché in 1980 when his personal safety was threatened. They also suggest that "Guatemala, Nunca Más" purposely distorted facts to assign greater responsbility to the Guatemalan army than to the guerillas for atrocities committed during the war and greatly inflated casualty figures. Whatever atrocities committed by the army were really carried out by individual officers acting on their own accord without sanction by the army as if to suggest that the army was not responsible for those atrocities. They don't stop there. They go on to extol upon the virtues of the three military officers convicted of Gerardi's murder and of the Guatemalan army in general. They paint a negative picture of human rights activists and organizations throughout the book. Never mind that there are serious factual problems with these positions, verifiable through other well-documented sources. The point here is that the language used to make these arguments is emotionally charged, intended to sway the reader into feeling sympathy for three convicted military officers, the army, and the Arzú government and disdain for the Church and the prosecution. This is not the way unbiased journalists go about seeking the truth and reporting on it. This book is all about telling you of the cons with the arguments used to convict three military officers in Gerardi's murder and of the pros in support of the Valle de Sol scenario. The book does not tell you about the other pros and cons involved in this case.
I am a big proponent of bringing things out into the open, even when they are riddled with distorted and inaccurate information. If you're interesting in this case, by all means read this book! Just make sure that it's not your only source of information. If you would like a more sincere examination, I recommend reading "The Art of Political Murder: Who Killed the Bishop?" by Francisco Goldman. The book is written in English, but it is also available in Spanish. Goldman may not be totally impartial himself in supporting his contention that Gerardi's murder was a politically sponsored crime, but he is forthright in revealing the pros and cons on both sides of the issue, prosecution and defense; he also identifies his sources. For a good general biography in Spanish, I recommend "En La Mirilla del Jaguar: Biografía Novelada de Monseñor Gerardi" by Margarita Carrera. If you can find a copy, you may also want to check out "Guatemala, Nunca Más," published in English as "Guatemala, Never Again!"
As a final note, "Guatemala, Nunca Más" was a bombshell at time as it exposed an inconvenient truth about the activities of the Guatemalan state and army as well as the guerillas during the war. In publicly presenting this report, Monseñor Gerardi knowingly put his life in danger, whether or not he was actually killed for political reasons. He and the others who worked with him attempted to give a voice to the estimated 200,000 people killed during the war. His life and work are worthy of study.
Lean el libro de Goldman. Este otro es propaganda y ruido diseñado, aparentemente, para restarle atencion a las atrocidades cometidas en la guerra civil. En general, los mafiosos esconden sus crimenes bajo la alfombra de "violencia comun".
Yo me lo creí por un tiempo. Sean menos ingenuos.