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Radical Conservatism: The Right's Political Religion Hardcover – September 20, 2006
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Toplin offers an intriguing critique of this fast-growing movement that resembles religious fundamentalism—a rigid true believer's mindset that dismisses opposing views and leaves almost no room for dialogue. Toplin observes that the right's orthodox approach represents a significant rejection of the more open-minded and practical outlook that characterized both liberal and conservative politics in earlier years.
Toplin considers three major subgroups within radical conservatism: stealth libertarians, who espouse free markets and small government, culture warriors, who crusade for morality and "values," and hawkish nationalists, who favor military solutions in foreign affairs. He points out that, whatever their differences, these groups manage to unite behind a common loathing. Conservatives demonize liberals, blaming them for most everything they dislike in American life. But, as Toplin shows, their view of "liberals" has little to do with reality, for it treats everyone from the center to the far-left as a liberal and equates liberal ideas with extremism.
When Americans talk about radical conservatism, they usually think of strident commentators on radio and television such as Rush Limbaugh, Sean Hannity, and Ann Coulter. Toplin offers a much broader picture of the radical, fundamentalist mentality. He shows that a religious-like approach to political ideas can also be found in the thinking of prominent scholars, journalists, and public officials such as Milton Friedman, William F. Buckley, Irving Kristol, Allan Bloom, George Will, Fred Barnes, William J. Bennett, and Ronald Reagan. Toplin finds political fundamentalism at work, too, in media outlets like the Fox News Network and the Wall Street Journal and at think tanks such as the Heritage Foundation, the American Enterprise Institute, and the Cato Institute.
Offering a roadmap of the radical right's emergence over the past half century, Toplin reveals how enthusiasm for a conservative "faith" helped to erect a bully pulpit in an increasingly powerful political church.
- Print length314 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherUniversity Press of Kansas
- Publication dateSeptember 20, 2006
- Dimensions6.34 x 1.13 x 9.12 inches
- ISBN-100700614877
- ISBN-13978-0700614875
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"A vigorous and well-documented critique of the ruling assumptions and intellectual arguments of many of the leading figures among American conservatives. It will spark debate from Toplin’s targets and supply ammunition for critics of dogmatic thinking on the right. Lively and hard-hitting, it also provides students with the basis for many stimulating exchanges in and out of the classroom."—Lewis Gould, author of Grand Old Party: A History of the Republicans
Product details
- Publisher : University Press of Kansas (September 20, 2006)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 314 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0700614877
- ISBN-13 : 978-0700614875
- Item Weight : 1.39 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.34 x 1.13 x 9.12 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #5,347,392 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #3,466 in Political Parties (Books)
- #7,173 in Political Conservatism & Liberalism
- #22,917 in History & Theory of Politics
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But the analysis, it seems to me, is telling on his critical point: what he calls "radical conservatism" (and now seems to be mainstream Republicanism) has abandoned the kind of balanced pragmatism that long characterized Republican leadership. Wendell Wilkie, Thomas Dewey, Robert Taft, Dwight Eisenhower, Howard Baker, etc. and other even more moderate Republican leaders of past generations would have scorned the kind of ideological fanaticism that assumes that the market is always right and government activism of any kind is always wrong.
Perhaps it's a matter of "leaders" following a broader rebellion against the role of modern government, but he clearly demonstrates that the abandonment of rational analysis in favor of an ideological outlook that is quasi-religious makes it very difficult for the kind of bipartisan cooperation that most Americans say they want.
The bottom line is that people have a right to keep what they earn, and the State is entitled to none of it. If we wish, we may decide to voluntarily contribute just enough to maintain minimal order, but the State does not have a right to force anyone to do anything other than protect basic property rights (as classicaly understood) and Constitutional Liberties as understood and expressed by the Founding Fathers. A weakened expression of Mill's harm principle applies here.
Those who express different views are simply looking for an excuse to buy votes by picking your pockets through the crude, authoritarian mechanism of redistribution. As a result, we're all the poorer for it; progressivism has therefore become regressive, perhaps without knowing any better. This clumsy approach to policy is fine until such mindless thugs gain power. Hold fast to your rapidly falling standard of living, and hope for gridlock!
