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Reading Obama: Dreams, Hope, and the American Political Tradition Paperback – Box set, February 26, 2012
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A leading intellectual historian traces the origins of Barack Obama’s ideas
Derided by the Right as dangerous and by the Left as spineless, Barack Obama puzzles observers. In Reading Obama, James T. Kloppenberg reveals the sources of Obama's ideas and explains why his principled aversion to absolutes does not fit contemporary partisan categories. Obama's commitments to deliberation and experimentation derive from sustained engagement with American democratic thought. In a new preface, Kloppenberg explains why Obama has stuck with his commitment to compromise in the first three years of his presidency, despite the criticism it has provoked.
Reading Obama traces the origins of his ideas and establishes him as the most penetrating political thinker elected to the presidency in the past century. Kloppenberg demonstrates the influences that have shaped Obama's distinctive worldview, including Nietzsche and Niebuhr, Ellison and Rawls, and recent theorists engaged in debates about feminism, critical race theory, and cultural norms. Examining Obama's views on the Constitution, slavery and the Civil War, the New Deal, and the civil rights movement, Kloppenberg shows Obama's sophisticated understanding of American history. Obama's interest in compromise, reasoned public debate, and the patient nurturing of civility is a sign of strength, not weakness, Kloppenberg argues. He locates its roots in Madison, Lincoln, and especially in the philosophical pragmatism of William James and John Dewey, which nourished generations of American progressives, black and white, female and male, through much of the twentieth century, albeit with mixed results.
Reading Obama reveals the sources of Obama's commitment to democratic deliberation: the books he has read, the visionaries who have inspired him, the social movements and personal struggles that have shaped his thinking. Kloppenberg shows that Obama's positions on social justice, religion, race, family, and America's role in the world do not stem from a desire to please everyone but from deeply rooted―although currently unfashionable―convictions about how a democracy must deal with difference and conflict.
- Print length344 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPrinceton University Press
- Publication dateFebruary 26, 2012
- Dimensions5.48 x 0.85 x 8.46 inches
- ISBN-100691154333
- ISBN-13978-0691154336
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"James Kloppenberg, one of America's foremost intellectual historians, persuasively argues that [there is] a broader shift in American philosophy away from appeal to general principles, valid at all times and in all places, toward a reliance on local, historically particular values and ideals. Kloppenberg's own endeavor, in surveying the work in political and legal theory that seems to have shaped President Obama's thinking, is to argue for the coherence, the Americanness, and the plausibility of Obama's approach to politics and to the Constitution."---Kwame Anthony Appiah, New York Review of Books
"Kloppenberg's brief intellectual biography of Mr. Obama provides an excellent portrait of the shining self-image of the progressive intellectual."---Peter Berkowitz, Wall Street Journal
"A welcome addition. . . . With his breadth of knowledge and his simplicity of prose, Kloppenberg is a fine guide."---David Greenberg, New Republic
"Reading Obama offers a fascinating view of the man Kloppenberg calls 'the most penetrating political thinker elected to the presidency in the past century.'" ― Newark Star-Ledger
"One of Kloppenberg's most important claims is that Obama embodies the spirit of pragmatism―not the colloquial pragmatism that is more or less the same thing as practicality, but the philosophical pragmatism that emerged largely from William James and John Dewey and continued to flourish through the work of Richard Rorty, Hilary Putnam, and others. Kloppenberg provides an excellent summary of the pragmatic tradition―a tradition rooted in the belief that there are no eternal truths, that all ideas and convictions must meet the test of usefulness. . . . Kloppenberg is best when he analyzes Obama's own writing―Dreams from My Father, The Audacity of Hope, and some of his memorable speeches. He gives an excellent analysis of Obama's views of Lincoln and of the ways in which he has come to terms with race."---Alan Brinkley, Democracy
"The case Kloppenberg makes is persuasive and, for anyone interested in the larger context of Obama's thinking, he demonstrates that this serious man is a rarity."---Bruce Elder, Sydney Morning Herald
"A fascinating book."---Alan Dobson, LSE Politics and Policy blog
"[An] excellent book . . . Kloppenberg offers a broad and deep interpretation of the education of Obama." ― Anglican Theological Review
Review
"An intellectual biography of a practicing politician might nowadays seem a contradiction in terms, but James Kloppenberg, one of America's leading intellectual historians, draws penetrating insights from a close examination of the ideas that animate Barack Obama. Reading Obama shows the powerful impact on Obama's politics of his engagement with the late twentieth century revival of philosophical pragmatism and civic republicanism. Obama takes ideas seriously, and Kloppenberg details why that matters for all of us. This is a fine example of contemporary intellectual history."―Robert D. Putnam, Harvard University
"Obama is not just a powerful speaker, but a thinker engaged with the ideas of his country and his age―this argument by historian James Kloppenberg should therefore fascinate anyone interested in American politics or how ideas shape public life. Tracing the influences of Obama's family, educational, and work experiences on his ideas, Reading Obama locates a unique individual in the crosscurrents of American democracy and continuing fights over American ideals."―Martha Minow, Harvard Law School
"Reading Obama strikingly illuminates the man, enriching our sense of his intellectual formation and commitments and significantly deepening our understanding of his place in history. In the face of the hyper-partisan atmosphere of the moment, this book reminds readers of the enduring force of an alternative tradition in the American past, and sketches that tradition with care and persuasion."―Daniel T. Rodgers, Princeton University
"In this arresting, highly informative book, Kloppenberg shows how Obama was shaped by the intellectual debates of the 1980s and is thus the first president since Woodrow Wilson to deeply absorb and act upon the most sophisticated social theories of his generation."―David Hollinger, University of California, Berkeley
From the Back Cover
"Jim Kloppenberg, one of the country's finest intellectual historians, has come up with a remarkable idea as to how we can understand President Obama: just read what he has written and take it seriously. Think of Kloppenberg as the Bob Woodward of investigative philosophical analysis. He's written a fine and hugely informative book."--E.J. Dionne, syndicated columnist and author of Souled Out
"An intellectual biography of a practicing politician might nowadays seem a contradiction in terms, but James Kloppenberg, one of America's leading intellectual historians, draws penetrating insights from a close examination of the ideas that animate Barack Obama. Reading Obama shows the powerful impact on Obama's politics of his engagement with the late twentieth century revival of philosophical pragmatism and civic republicanism. Obama takes ideas seriously, and Kloppenberg details why that matters for all of us. This is a fine example of contemporary intellectual history."--Robert D. Putnam, Harvard University
"Obama is not just a powerful speaker, but a thinker engaged with the ideas of his country and his age--this argument by historian James Kloppenberg should therefore fascinate anyone interested in American politics or how ideas shape public life. Tracing the influences of Obama's family, educational, and work experiences on his ideas, Reading Obama locates a unique individual in the crosscurrents of American democracy and continuing fights over American ideals."--Martha Minow, Harvard Law School
"Reading Obama strikingly illuminates the man, enriching our sense of his intellectual formation and commitments and significantly deepening our understanding of his place in history. In the face of the hyper-partisan atmosphere of the moment, this book reminds readers of the enduring force of an alternative tradition in the American past, and sketches that tradition with care and persuasion."--Daniel T. Rodgers, Princeton University
"In this arresting, highly informative book, Kloppenberg shows how Obama was shaped by the intellectual debates of the 1980s and is thus the first president since Woodrow Wilson to deeply absorb and act upon the most sophisticated social theories of his generation."--David Hollinger, University of California, Berkeley
About the Author
Product details
- Publisher : Princeton University Press; Revised edition (February 26, 2012)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 344 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0691154333
- ISBN-13 : 978-0691154336
- Item Weight : 14 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.48 x 0.85 x 8.46 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,916,344 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #2,937 in United States Executive Government
- #8,263 in Political Philosophy (Books)
- #12,710 in History & Theory of Politics
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About the author

James T. Kloppenberg is the Charles Warren Professor of American History at Harvard. A native of Denver, Colorado, he was educated at Dartmouth (AB 1973) and Stanford (MA 1977, PhD 1980). He and his wife Mary have lived in Wellesley, MA, since 1980. Kloppenberg has held fellowships from the Danforth, Whiting, and Guggenheim foundations, the American Council of Learned Societies, and the National Endowment for the Humanities, and has been a visiting professor at the University of Cambridge and the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales in Paris. In recognition of his teaching, he has been named a Harvard College Professor and awarded the Levinson Prize by the Harvard Undergraduate Council. His books deal with politics and ideas in Europe and America from the seventeenth century to the present.
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The Barack Obama whom Professor James Kloppenberg unreservedly admires, whose words and deeds remind the Harvard historian so clearly of those of James Madison, is above all a pragmatic moderate, not attracted to ideology per se of either the Right or the Left, a political man committed -- sincerely committed -- to "deliberative democracy." That commitment has been demonstrated from the beginning of Obama's presidency by his non-imperial relationship with Congress, the 'deliberative' branch of government, and by his cautious attempts to involve the "other party" in bi-partisan discourse. Here's a key paragraph from Dr. Kloppenberg's text:
""Obama is drawn toward the ideas of anti-foundationalism, historicism, and philosophical pragmatism. As an anti-foundationalist, he questions the existence of universal truths. As a historicist, he doubts that any ideas transcend the particularity of time and culture. Finally, as a philosophical pragmatist he insists that all propositions, positions, and policies must be subjected to continuing critical scrutiny. Whereas many activists on both the left and the right proclaim their incommensurable principles with the fervor of true believers, Obama sees things differently. He believes that anti-foundationalism, historicism, and philosophical pragmatism are consistent with the principles of civic republicanism and deliberative democracy on which America was built and for which it should stand.""
How has Dr. Kloppenberg formed this perception of a president so often described in radically different terms? By attentive reading of his two books and his hundreds of public speeches. By listening to the man's own words, analyzing their consistency, comparing them to the writings and speeches of the Founding Fathers of this republic as well as those of thinkers and leaders of the two centuries of America's 'experiment' in representative government. Dr. Kloppenberg finds that Pres. Obama's political values and positions are fundamentally consistent with the American tradition of reasoned disagreement, adaptation, and compromise -- in a word, Discourse. This entire book is devoted to enlarging and documenting the perception that Obama is whole-hearted in his devotion to "preserving" the equanimity established by the Constitution. Here are some lines that Prof. Kloppenberg quotes from a speech Obama delivered on August 31, 2010:
""The greatness of our democracy is grounded in our ability to move beyond our differences, and to learn from our experiences as we confront the many challenges ahead.""
Talk-show ranters might denounce that statement as mere rhetorical boiler-plate, but Dr. Kloppenberg argues that barack Obama means precisely what he says, and also means to govern accordingly. Deliberatively. Moderately.
Professor Kloppenberg does not often turn to Europe or to European politicians in his analysis, preferring to trace the influence of American thinkers from Madison to John Dewey to John Rawls, on the very American Barack Obama. But I find that his representation of Obama's 'mentality' seems remarkably close to the ideas of the contemporary German political philosopher Jürgen Habermas -- mentioned briefly by Kloppeneberg -- another 'thinker' regarded as too centrist by both Right and Left dogmatists. What Dr. Kloppenberg and Pres. Obama might call "foundationalism", Habermas simply calls "ideology", and what Kloppenberg calls "deliberation" Habermas calls "discourse". Under either name, deliberative democracy or discourse is the antidote to ideology. The 'discourse theory of morality', in Habermas's view, conceives morality as a collective and dialogical process of reaching consensus. The ultimate goal of such consensus is to to establish and/or preserve "the kinds of institutions ... needed to protect individuals against the attractions of political extremism, on the one hand, and the depredations of a burgeoning capitalist economy, on the other."
Habermas is a strenuous, abstruse thinker and a ponderous writer. So certainly is John Rawls. It wouldn't serve Barack Obama's electoral prospects to try to expound their notions to American audiences, though I'm fully certain that he is aware of them. Habermas is, above all, an "optimist" about the capacity of the public to "identify the social and institutional conditions that foster autonomy .... truly democratic institutions capable of withstanding the corrosive effects of capitalism and of the state administration." Now, THAT'S Moderation! Neither a statist nor an anarcho-capitalist be! And that seems to me to be the commitment to optimism that Barack Obama pledges.
James T. Kloppenberg's 'Reading Obama: Dreams, Hope, and the American Tradition' is an erudite book. There are places in which 'Reading Obama' is written above the tenth-grade level at which I am told most Americans, even those with advanced degrees, prefer to read.
The book's erudition and use of terms, names, and concepts unfamiliar to me could have put me off, yet I found Kloppenberg's "threads of thought" so interesting that I simply highlighted unfamiliar items and looked them up later. I have listed terms below and might add more, since I am sure to re-read parts of this book.
I do not want to sell Kloppenberg short as an unclear writer. He is, rather, a scholarly writer, informing those in the fields of political science and history in addition to the general reader (like me) with more than a passing interest in President Obama. Kloppenberg defines most terms as he goes along, and he also provides a helpful "Notes on Sources" section and an index.
Had Kloppenberg added a glossary, would this book's readership be a bit wider? This thought nagged me as I read the book. So, to help those who plan to read the book navigate it as smoothly as possible, I have compiled a list of unfamiliar terms:
fallibilism: "the experimental habit of mind"
foundationalism: the belief that knowledge is built upon certain principles, givens, or unquestionable beliefs
hermeneutics: the science of interpretation
inimicable: adverse in tendency or effect
provisionalism: ?
technocracy (I am unsure of this one. My dictionary defines it as "a theory and movement, prominent about 1932, advocating control of industrial resources, reform of financial institutions, and reorganization of the social system, based on the findings of technologists and engineers.")
For an even smoother ride through Kloppenberg's prose, it would not hurt to familiarize yourself with John Dewey and William James, both proponents of pragmatism (the philosophy that only workable ideas are worth consideration).
-----
Kloppenberg's `Reading Obama: Dreams, Hope, and the American Political Tradition,' is, to my knowledge, the first serious book to look at President Obama's thinking in and of itself while considering Obama's place in the American political tradition.
This book deserves every bit the attention of bestsellers that simply don't get Obama right and leave too many readers with as many questions, if not more, than when they began.
So, how does Kloppenberg succeed where others have fallen short?
From the outset, we can be sure that Kloppenberg has read Obama's two books carefully. He gives 'The Audacity of Hope,' considered by some to be little more than campaign fluff, at least as much attention as the literary and personally revealing 'Dreams from My Father.'
For the Obama junkie who wants to read more of Obama's writings, Kloppenberg's research brings to light at least two Obama-penned articles: 'Why Organize?', which Obama wrote in 1990 after his three years as a community organizer, and an article that Obama wrote as a Columbia undergrad for its newspaper 'The Sundial.'
The articles reveal much about how Obama thinks, and Kloppenberg provides a thorough analysis of both.
At Occidental College, Obama took two course under Roger Boesche: history and political theory. There, Kloppenberg reports, Obama encountered a wide range of thinkers: John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madsion, and some of the Anti-Federalists who opposed the U.S. Constitution.
One issue I would like clarification on concerns a passage from `Dreams from My Father' in which Obama talks about his rebellious youth at Occidental and the alliances he formed there.
Kloppenberg states that Obama "learned enough to be able to quote Frantz Fanon..."; however, based on the scene related in `Dreams,' it's not clear that Obama began these discussions, just that he was a part of them. Obama even misspells Frantz as "Franz" in 'Dreams from My Father.'
I won't give away too many surprises in the book (there are plenty for those who have been fed a steady diet of misinformation from the right-wing blogosphere).
Here's one "teaser": you will be surprised to learn that Obama, though trained by fellow organizers Kellman, Kruglik, and Galuzzo in a type of Alinsky community organizing, split from them and Alinsky's tactics to pursue his own vision of organizing. [*]
This is the book to read TODAY about Obama. Certainly, Obama is a complex, intelligent man -- not every action of his will be transparent, and it won't always be easy to "read" him. Still, especially given Kloppenberg's book, there is less excuse to claim that Obama's actions are utterly mysterious, his exotic background unfathomable. In short, it's time for us all to move forward. Kloppenberg leads the way.
[*] This contrasts with fellow Democrat Hillary Clinton's relationship to Alinsky, whom she met in person and wrote her thesis on at Wellesley College. Contrasting Obama and Hillary's relationship to the "father of community organizing" can be an interesting exercise.

