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Reclaiming the American Revolution: The Kentucky and Virgina Resolutions and their Legacy First Edition
Purchase options and add-ons
- ISBN-101403963037
- ISBN-13978-1403963031
- EditionFirst Edition
- PublisherPalgrave Macmillan
- Publication dateJanuary 28, 2004
- LanguageEnglish
- Dimensions6 x 1 x 9 inches
- Print length262 pages
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"With historical knowledge that one can only wish more could possess, Watkins has brought our attention back to Jefferson's and Madison's constitutional commentary in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798-1800 and their illuminating relation to American history." - Clyde N. Wilson, Professor of History, University of South Carolina
"With Reclaiming the American Revolution, we have a thorough, thoughtful, and important study of a significant subject that has been too long neglected." - Joyce O. Appleby, Professor of History, UCLA; past president of Organization of American Historians and American Historical Association
"William Watkins' important book, Reclaiming the American Revolution, is intriguing and controversial: it is based on much research, and it is full of interest for the questions it raises about federal-state relations." - Robert L. Middlekauf, Preston Hotchkiss Professor of American History, University of California, Berkeley
From the Inside Flap
--Clyde N. Wilson, Professor of History, University of South Carolina
"With Reclaiming the American Revolution, we have a thorough, thoughtful, and important study of a significant subject that has been too long neglected."
--Joyce O. Appleby, Professor of History, UCLA; past president of Organization of American Historians and American Historical Association
"William Watkins' important book, Reclaiming the American Revolution, is intriguing and controversial: it is based on much research, and it is full of interest for the questions it raises about federal-state relations."
--Robert L. Middlekauf, Preston Hotchkiss Professor of American History, University of California, Berkeley
"Reclaiming the American Revolution is a provocative invitation to rethink the nature of contemporary American government in the light of the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions. William Watkins' brisk and panoramic account of American constitutionalism reminds us of the political possibilities open to courageous and spirited citizens who are dedicated to responsible liberty under the rule of law."
--Herman Belz, Professor of History, University of Maryland
"Those of us who are alarmed by the recent incursions into personal freedom are indebted to William Watkins for Reclaiming the American Revolution, his penetrating and insightful account of how Jefferson and Madison reacted to a situation of equal peril to liberty. We could not do better than to remind ourselves of how they responded when faced with a crisis no less grievous."
--Ronald Hamowy, Professor of History, University of Alberta; editor, Cato's Letters: Essays on Liberty by John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon
From the Back Cover
--Clyde N. Wilson, Professor of History, University of South Carolina
"With Reclaiming the American Revolution, we have a thorough, thoughtful, and important study of a significant subject that has been too long neglected."
--Joyce O. Appleby, Professor of History, UCLA; past president of Organization of American Historians and American Historical Association
"William Watkins' important book, Reclaiming the American Revolution, is intriguing and controversial: it is based on much research, and it is full of interest for the questions it raises about federal-state relations."
--Robert L. Middlekauf, Preston Hotchkiss Professor of American History, University of California, Berkeley
"Reclaiming the American Revolution is a provocative invitation to rethink the nature of contemporary American government in the light of the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions. William Watkins' brisk and panoramic account of American constitutionalism reminds us of the political possibilities open to courageous and spirited citizens who are dedicated to responsible liberty under the rule of law."
--Herman Belz, Professor of History, University of Maryland
"Those of us who are alarmed by the recent incursions into personal freedom are indebted to William Watkins for Reclaiming the American Revolution, his penetrating and insightful account of how Jefferson and Madison reacted to a situation of equal peril to liberty. We could not do better than to remind ourselves of how they responded when faced with a crisis no less grievous."
--Ronald Hamowy, Professor of History, University of Alberta; editor, Cato's Letters: Essays on Liberty by John Trenchard and Thomas Gordon
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- Publisher : Palgrave Macmillan; First Edition (January 28, 2004)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 262 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1403963037
- ISBN-13 : 978-1403963031
- Item Weight : 1.17 pounds
- Dimensions : 6 x 1 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,189,126 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #870 in Political History (Books)
- #1,984 in General Elections & Political Process
- #2,016 in United States History (Books)
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Watkins does a tremendous job combining the history of these resolutions with the political ingenuity of both Madison and Jefferson. I guarantee that when you finish reading this book your knowledge will increase regarding the Constitution and how our founding fathers systematically dealt with the issue of sovereignty. Where does it reside? The difference between legislative sovereignty and ultimate sovereignty. He presents a balanced presentation of both views: those who support a strong centralized government with a broad interpretation of the constitution, versus those who were strong States' Rights advocates and a limited interpretation of the constituion. After presenting a concise yet thorough history of the resolutions he describes the effects of resolutions and how succeeding presidential administrations and state legislatures appealed to the resolutions to prevent encroachments. And he ends with a beautiful application to our day and how the government has constantly overstepped its constitutional boundaries and what we should do. And then he adds his own ideas as to what we can do as a people to make sure our rights stay in tact. In other words, he presents the problem and the solution.
Watkins makes bold comments in relation to how the framers interpreted the Constitution and how to remedy the encroachments of the national government. But every, and I mean every bold assertion is backed by tangible evidence. Unlike scholars who defend centralized government (whether ignorantly or knowingly) with vague examples and insufficient evidence, Watkins doesn't leave any stone unturned. And in addition you will find in his bibliography notes not only references, but added commentary from various poltical figures of the day. So in essence you get more than the views of Jefferson and Madison, but you get a view of both parties the Federalist (under the leadership of Alexander Hamiltion) and the Republicans (under the leadership of Jefferson). He explains how Patrick Henry, John Taylor, John Breckenridge and others saw the issues. But never does he down play the issue.
It is sad that some historians down play the rightful role of these Resolutions. Jack Rakove goes so far to paint Jefferson and Madison as radical and going too far to assert that the State legislatures could 'legally' check the powers of the national government. Jack Rakove states in "Madison and the Creation of the American Republic" (2nd Ed) Madison simply intended that the Bill of Rights was adopted for this purpose. Ok, well what happens when those rights are violated? Who now is the arbiter to determine whether the government has overstepped its boundaries or not? Well, Watkins makes it clear. The state legislatures were intended for this purpose. But he is fair to show the differences in the logic of both Jefferson and Madison in their view of Nullification and Interposition.
To sum it up in a little over 270 pgs Watkins enlightens the American public to the need of reform within our current government structure, and he shows how the principles of the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions have been carried out in history to reserve the rights of the people and the government from expanding its power, and how the same thing is needed today. I could not put this book down, and I was upset when I found how much I was not taught in my early American history classes.
Since I like to accentuate the positive, I will summarize his historical narrative. I then want to discuss briefly the major flaws in his argument as I see it and then speak a little to his suggestions for restoring federalism.
Watkins gives us what has become one standard reading of the Founding and Early National periods. He believes that the only legitimate reading of the Constitution is the compact theory which holds that the Constitution was ratified by the people of the seperate and sovereign states. As such it is an agreement by the states to delegate specific, enumerated and limited powers to the federal government. The people are the ultimate source of sovereignity, the states are supreme in their areas of government and the federal government is supreme in those areas to which the individual states are not competent (foreign affairs, interstate commerce, etc.) This was the understanding of everyone at the time of the ratification and was so argued by the Federalists during the state conventions. Those rascals almost immediately begin to go back on their word once the federal government was established. Hamilton established a national bank, assumed state debts (in order to seduce the money men to the federal government) and tried to establish a national economic program. The nadir was reached with the Alien and Sedition Acts which were bravely (but anonymously) countered by the K&VRs written by Jefferson and Madison. The resistance turned the tide of the Federalist betrayal and resulted in Jefferson's Revolution of 1800. The K&VRs were then used by almost everyone (except, of course, for the SCOTUS of John Marshall- oh, and the post-War of 1812 Congress- oh, and Jefferson when he felt like engaging in the Louisiana Purchase and the embargo)up until the Nullification Crisis. The end of the influence of the K&VRs came when Lincoln was elected. And so on.
I think that is a pretty fair summation of the majority of Watkin's historical argument. Here are what I see as the problems:
1. Watkins gives us a historical narrative that is divorced from the day to day motives of the political players who people his history. Yes, the K&VRs were referenced throughout our early national history. Always by people who were out of power, who were a minority nationally at the time and who were unhappy about being out of power. Which leads me to
1a. Watkins sees all issues as being about federalism. There was another dynamic at play in this history which was the rise of democracy and the end of deferential politics. The Republicans/ Federalists were both trying to deal with a franchise that was rapidly growing. More and more people (white men) were voting. When local elites/majorities were overwhelmed by national elites/majorities they complained using the rhetoric of federalism. Somewhat comparable to how the current parties try to beat each other on the head with the rhetoric of national security.
2. This is the big one for me. What gives the K&VRs any standing? They were submitted by two states and no states answered positively. They were ignored or condemned. Does the election of 1800 somehow convey constitutional legitimacy on them? Nope. No more then the election of 1936 conveyed constitutional legitimacy on FDR's programs. Watkins at one point tries to give them legitimacy by pointing out that the K&VRs were referred to time and time again by various factions during various debates, e.g., the New England states during the embargo crisis. This is exactly the sort of reasoning that led Madison to accept a national bank late in his life. This might be a legitimate source of authority but it needs more of a legal foundation then just Watkins' saying so.
3. There were many other, equally legitimate, more national contemporary interpretations of the Constitution then that one put forth in the K&VRs. Watkins acts as if the theories of Marshall and Wilson to name two were inherently absurd or duplicitous. They weren't. He also ignores the third option argued for by Pendleton against both Jefferson and Hamilton during the debate on the national bank. It is simply inaccurate to say that the compact theory was the only legitimate theory of constitutioanl interpretation. I refer the reader to Commentaries on the Constitution 1790-1860 by Elizabeth Bauer.
I will not go on to say why I think Watkins' opinion on Lincoln is almost laughable. Suffice it to say that he suggests that if only Lincoln had listened to Garrison's advice the Civil War might have been avoided and slavery ended peacefully. Okay, if you say so.
I want to discuss one more flaw from a philosophical perspective. Watkins confuses the types of rights that are suggested by the words nullification and secession. There is no right to nullification and/or interposition in the Constitution. There is no warrant for those rights. Secession is a different animal altogether. Secession is inherent to sovereignty and is implied by the ability of people to create a government in the first place. In that sense it is a precivil and natural right and has nothing to do with the Constitution as well (except for arguably the 9th Amendment). It must be said however that the country or state that you secede from may not like it and may want to kick your booty.
As for Watkins' solution to the issue of how states can challenge the ursurptions of the national government- he wants to create a Constitutional Commission with one member from each state. If 1/5 of the state legislatures request the CC to rule on a measure or action of any branch of the federal government, they are obligated to convene and review that ruling and action. If 3/4s of the CC members vote against the measure, it is unconstitutional (see pp.154-156 for Watkins' discussion).
I admit that this is worth discussing although I think that the 1/5 requirement is too low.
I also want to suggest that Watkins' is too dismissive of our Article V rights to amend the Constitution. Both Amendments 11 and 16 were the people directly responding to Supreme Court decisions they didn't like. It has been done in the past and can be done again. We the people just have to get off our couches and get back in the streets where we belong.
I enjoyed this book immensely and learned from it in spite of my many disagreements. My thanks to Watkins for all his intellectual labors.






