Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877 (Perennial Classics) Illustrated Edition, Kindle Edition
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From the "preeminent historian of Reconstruction" (New York Times Book Review), a newly updated edition of the prize-winning classic work on the post-Civil War period which shaped modern America, with a new introduction from the author.
Eric Foner's "masterful treatment of one of the most complex periods of American history" (New Republic) redefined how the post-Civil War period was viewed.
Reconstruction chronicles the way in which Americans—black and white—responded to the unprecedented changes unleashed by the war and the end of slavery. It addresses the ways in which the emancipated slaves' quest for economic autonomy and equal citizenship shaped the political agenda of Reconstruction; the remodeling of Southern society and the place of planters, merchants, and small farmers within it; the evolution of racial attitudes and patterns of race relations; and the emergence of a national state possessing vastly expanded authority and committed, for a time, to the principle of equal rights for all Americans.
This "smart book of enormous strengths" (Boston Globe) remains the standard work on the wrenching post-Civil War period—an era whose legacy still reverberates in the United States today.
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From Publishers Weekly
Copyright 1989 Reed Business Information, Inc. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Chapter One
The World the War Made
The Coming of Emancipation
0n January 1, 1863, after a winter storm swept up the east coast of the United States, the sun rose in a cloudless sky over Washington, D.C. At the White House, Abraham Lincoln spent most of the day welcoming guests to the traditional New Year's reception. Finally, in the late afternoon, as he had pledged to do 100 days before, the President retired to his office to sign the Emancipation Proclamation. Excluded from its purview were the 450,000 slaves in Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, and Missouri (border slave states that remained within the Union), 275,000 in Union-occupied Tennessee, and tens of thousands more in portions of Louisiana and Virginia under the control of federal armies. But, the Proclamation decreed, the remainder of the nation's slave population, well over 3 million men, women, and children, "are and henceforth shall be free."1
Throughout the North and the Union-occupied South, January I was a day of celebration. An immense gathering, including black and white abolitionist leaders, stood vigil at Boston's Tremont Temple, awaiting word that the Proclamation had been signed. It was nearly midnight when the news arrived; wild cheering followed, and a black preacher led the throng in singing "Sound the loud timbrel o'er Egypt's dark sea, Jehovah hath triumphed, his people are free." At a camp for fugitive slaves in the nation's capital, a black man "testified" about the sale, years before, of his daughter, exclaiming, "Now, no more dat! . . . Dey can't sell my wife and child any more, bless de Lord!" Farther south, at Beaufort, an enclave of federal control off the South Carolina coast, there were prayers and speeches and the freedmen sang "My Country 'Tis of Thee." To Charlotte Forten, a young black woman who had journeyed from her native Philadelphia to teach the former slaves, "it all seemed . . . like a brilliant dream." Even in areas exempted from the Proclamation, blacks celebrated, realizing that if slavery perished in Mississippi and South Carolina, it could hardly survive in Kentucky, Tennessee, and a few parishes of Louisiana.2
Nearly two and a half centuries had passed since twenty black men and women were landed in Virginia from a Dutch ship. From this tiny seed had grown the poisoned fruit of plantation slavery, which, in profound and contradictory ways, shaped the course of American development. Even as slavery mocked the ideals of a nation supposedly dedicated to liberty and equality, slave labor played an indispensable part in its rapid growth, expanding westward with the young republic, producing the cotton that fueled the early industrial revolution. In the South, slavery spawned a distinctive regional ruling class (an "aristocracy without nobility" one Southern-born writer called it) and powerfully shaped the economy, race relations, politics, religion, and the law. Its influence was pervasive: "Nothing escaped, nothing and no one."3 In the North, where slavery had been abolished during and after the American Revolution, emerged abolition, the greatest protest movement of the age. The slavery question divided the nation's churches, sundered political ties between the sections, and finally shattered the bonds of Union. On the principle of opposing the further expansion of slavery, a new political party rose to power in the 1850s, placing in the White House a son of the slave state Kentucky, who had grown to manhood on the free Illinois prairies and believed the United States could not endure forever half slave and half free. In the crisis that followed Lincoln's election, eleven slave states seceded from the Union, precipitating in 1861 the bloodiest war the Western Hemisphere has ever known.
To those who had led the movement for abolition, and to slaves throughout the South, the Emancipation Proclamation not only culminated decades of struggle but evoked Christian visions of resurrection and redemption, of an era of unbounded progress for a nation purged at last of the sin of slavery. Even the staid editors of the New York Times believed it marked a watershed in American life, "an era in the history . . .of this country and the world." For emancipation meant more than the end of a labor system, more even than the uncompensated liquidation of the nation's largest concentration of private property ("the most stupendous act of sequestration in the history of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence," as Charles and Mary Beard described it).4 The demise of slavery inevitably threw open the most basic questions of the polity, economy, and society. Begun to preserve the Union, the Civil War now portended a far-reaching transformation in Southern life and a redefinition of the place of blacks in American society and of the very meaning of freedom in the American republic.
In one sense, however, the Proclamation only confirmed what was already happening on farms and plantations throughout the South. War, it has been said, is the midwife of revolution, and well before 1863 the disintegration of slavery had begun. Whatever politicians and military commanders might decree, slaves saw the war as heralding the longawaited end of bondage. Three years into the conflict, Gen. William T. Sherman encountered a black Georgian who summed up the slaves' understanding of the war from its outset: "He said . . . he had been looking for the 'angel of the Lord' ever since he was knee-high, and, though we professed to be fighting for the Union, he supposed that slavery was the cause, and that our success was to be his freedom. "5 Based on this conviction, the slaves took actions that propelled a reluctant white America down the road to abolition.
As the Union Army occupied territory on the periphery of the Confederacy, first in Virginia, then in Tennessee, Louisiana, and elsewhere, slaves by the thousands headed for the Union lines. Union enclaves like Fortress Monroe, Beaufort, and New Orleans became havens for runaway slaves and bases for expeditions into the interior that further disrupted the plantation regime.
--This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.From the Back Cover
Winner of the 1988 Los Angeles Times Book Award, The Bancroft Prize, The Parkman Prize, The Avery O. Craven Prize, and The TriIling Prize Nominated for the 1988 National Book Award, and the National Book Critics Circle Award
--This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.Review
''Long, brilliant, and stylish . . . [Reconstruction] is of signal importance . . . the most comprehensive and convincing account of the effort to build a racially democratic and just society from the fiery ruins of slavery.'' -- Los Angeles Times Book Review
''A heroic synthesis that should dominate the field . . . It gives nearly equal time to all the protagonists in the Reconstruction drama and recognizes how inextricably economic, political, social, and ideological issues are bound.'' --Washington Post Book World
''This is history written on a grand scale, a masterful treatment of one of the most complex periods of American history.'' --New Republic --This text refers to the mp3_cd edition.
About the Author
--This text refers to the mp3_cd edition.
Product details
- ASIN : B003YUCE9I
- Publisher : Harper; Illustrated edition (December 13, 2011)
- Publication date : December 13, 2011
- Language : English
- File size : 4967 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Screen Reader : Supported
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Not Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Print length : 736 pages
- Lending : Not Enabled
- Best Sellers Rank: #989,633 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- #183 in Study & Teaching of History
- #402 in History of the U.S. Confederacy
- #442 in Abolition History of the U.S.
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Eric Foner is DeWitt Clinton Professor of History at Columbia University, where he earned his B.A. and Ph.D. In his teaching and scholarship, Foner focuses on the Civil War and Reconstruction, slavery, and nineteenth-century America. His "Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877," won the Bancroft, Parkman, and Los Angeles Times Book prizes and remains the standard history of the period. In 2006 Foner received the Presidential Award for Outstanding Teaching at Columbia University. He has served as president of the Organization of American Historians, the American Historical Association, and the Society of American Historians. He is currently writing a book on Lincoln and slavery.
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With the capture of Richmond and Lee's surrender at Appomattox, the Civil War had ended and the Confederacy was no more. The mood--for the North--was cheerful and although the South was upset for having lost, most of the Southern white population were also glad for the war's end. For those whose life had been spent in bondage what had happened was truly a miracle. The whole world had changed and apparently it had changed for the better, not only were the people who had been slaves liberated but members of their own race had played a critical part in the victory and they looked to play a part in the peace.
"The presence of black troops among the occupying Union army reinforced the freedmen's assertiveness and inspired constant complaint on the part of whites. Black soldiers acted, in words of the New York World, as 'apostles of black equality,' spreading among former slaves ideas of land ownership and civil and political equality. They intervened in plantation disputes and sometimes arrested whites. ('It is very hard,' wrote a Confederate veteran, 'to see a white man taken under guard by one of those black scoundrels.') Black troops helped construct schools, churches, and orphanages, organized debating societies, and held political gatherings where 'freedom songs' were sung and soldiers delivered 'speeches of the most inflammatory kind.' In Southern cities they demanded the right to travel on segregated streetcars, taunted white passersby with remarks like 'We's all equal now,' and advised freedmen in cities like Memphis that they need not obey military orders to return to the plantations." p.80
Lincoln's assassination brought his incompetent successor, Andrew Johnson, to power. Johnson was inflexible where his predecessor was flexible, and although he was following Lincoln's own plan initially, he forgot that the key to Lincoln's success was his ability to listen and adapt when necessary to achieve his goal. Johnson would become the main obstacle to reform. The Radicals in Congress managed to fight the new President by overriding his vetoes*. The Radicals did over reach by attacking the presidency itself, not just the President, when they passed the Tender in Office Act and tried to impeach Johnson when he did not comply. Johnson's impeachment divided their ranks and spent unnecessary energy. Johnson was acquitted but not elected nor nominated in his own right. Grant would win the election of 1868and Reconstruction would continue.
One of the best things Grant did was send Federal troops to fight the Ku Klux Klan who had been terrorizing newly freed and enfranchised African-Americans. Foner describes these villains in some detail. Monsters and cowards who dressed in costumes and went out to harass and kill people who were just trying to live.
"But the most 'offensive' blacks of all seemed to be those who achieved a modicum of economic success, for, as a white Mississippi farmer commented, the Klan 'do not like to see the negro go ahead.' Night riders in Florence, South Carolina, killed a freedman on one plantation 'because it is rented by colored men, and their desire is that such a thing ought not to be.'" p.429
Unfortunately, as time went on and success was slow, the Northern focus waned. Other issues came up and diverted the Federal government's attention. The most devastating was the Depression that would hit in 1873. It would cause labor unrest and would serve as one of the death blows in the struggle for freedom in the nineteenth century South.
"The depression had a profound impact on the labor movement, shifting its focus from the issues of the 1860s--greenbackism, cooperation, and the eight-hour day--to demands for pubic relief, the desperate struggle to maintain predepression wage levels, and, for a few workers, socialism. In the winter of 1873-74, cities from Boston to Chicago witnessed massive demonstrations demanding that authorities ease the economic crisis by inaugurating such projects as street and parking improvements and new rapid transit systems--a remarkable expansion of labor's conception of governments roles and responsibilities. The movement for 'Work or Bread' reached its climax in New York, where on January 13, 1874, the city police violently dispersed a crowd of 7,000 demonstrators who had assembled at Tompkins Square, arrested scores of workers, and inaugurated a period of 'extreme repression' against subsequent labor gatherings." p.514
These events, in addition to corruption, damaged the Republican Party to the point where they lost the House of Representatives in the 1874 mid-term elections. The major blow to Reconstruction would be the presidential election of 1876. The controversy of the election between Governors Rutherford B. Hayes and Samuel J. Tilden would result in an outcome that would be known as the `Great Betrayal' in the black community for decades to come. Hayes would win the presidency but at the cost of Reconstruction. Reconstruction would end and the white South would begin the vileness Jim Crow Era in which a people who had been enslaved--but were set free, could vote, and hold office as citizens in the Republic--were disenfranchised, segregated, and improvised.
Eric Foner covers an experiment that was only bad because it had failed not because it was attempted. Reconstruction was an attempt to do justice where only injustice had been done and help move us forward as a nation. As a consequence one geographical section of the nation went backward in race relations, internal improvements, and educational establishments, while the rest of the country moved forward. Eric Foner's work is a masterpiece it covers not only what I have discussed here but it also discusses the break between the old abolitionists and the suffragists. Neglecting the cause of (white) women's important need for the vote, the early feminists felt betrayed by the abolitionists and their coalition crumble. Another area that Foner covers in this book is the rise of the giant corporation and how they would form a hold on government. With this book Eric Foner separates myth from fact and paints an accurate picture of the United States during Reconstruction.
*No president who had served prior to Andrew Johnson had ever had their vetoes overridden.
I really dislike this period of history. It is dark and gloomy compared with the brightness other periods have. Yet, in reading Reconstruction I see where we have to understand what happened following the Civil War in order to understand how America got to where it is. This book has been a great help in developing my understanding of this pivotal period in our nation’s history. It is full of information and uses a plethora of sources to support the author’s interpretation. In addition, the version I read was the Perennial Classics imprint and it had footnotes with it. That was very useful because Foner’s notes contained some nice comments and explained his thought process in ways the narrative did not.
Having read a few of Foner’s works, I can say that his writing style has definitely changed for the better over time. I find this is common with many historians. Their earlier works are still that of graduate students writing for an academic audience whereas their writing will change over time to the telling of a story supported by facts. They get better at writing for a larger audience and Eric Foner has been one historian who has accomplished this. Not all do, sad to say. I have to admit that this book was a bit difficult because of the way Foner used the facts in the narrative. It sort of bogged down the reading, but it did make it clear that he was not making up information, but working with these primary sources from the beginning.
The result is a very striking interpretation which completely rejects the old Dunning school of thought on this period. The overt racism is at times nauseating to read about. Thousands were murdered as whites sought to regain political control over the southern states. Terrorism was widespread as rifle clubs, the KKK, and other bands of whites used any means available to regain power and to put white supremacy back as the foundation of southern living. This is a very important issue that needs to be explained to our students as we deal with terrorism from Islamic fundamentalists in our modern age. The past is very illuminating.
Were I to teach a course on Reconstruction I would certainly use this book as the textbook. For that matter, I would use Foner’s course on it as the template for my lesson plans. That would fit very well into a flipped classroom design. While the book can be dry at times, breaking the reading down into segments built around lesson plans works well in helping readers absorb the information. There is a lot here in the book and it seriously conflicts with long held beliefs on Reconstruction.
Foner also notes how events in the rest of the US shaped Reconstruction and its end. This is important because the events that took place in this period were not confined to one area. Yet, Reconstruction or more importantly its end would shape the South for a century in ways that did not overly impact the rest of the nation. The economic disaster that was the South was created by the elites in the South who preferred political power and its trappings for themselves rather than posterity for the people of the South. To achieve this, they used racism to construct their political empires.
Foner also goes into the larger reasons as to why Reconstruction failed. Economics played a major role in this as well as racism in the entire country. Class interests in other sections precluded a shared national goal for all minorities as elites brought in cheap immigrant labor to the North instead of moving black laborers to the factories or factories to the South. I think Foner needed to explore this more because the elites in the South did not want those factories nor did they want their cheap black labor to move away from the agrarian system in place. He alludes to this system, but does not explore it in depth. I think there is a lot more to this, but much of it took place after 1877 and the end of Reconstruction.
All in all, this is a good book and one which I am glad I read. I definitely am happy that I did so in conjunction with the Reconstruction course through EdX. It definitely helped out. I will be referencing the book in my Fall 2015 American History from 1865 course as I show how Reconstruction and its aftermath led directly to events in the Civil Rights era and even today. I give it four stars which is a good solid rating for a good solid book.
Top reviews from other countries
The book is extremely readable, comprehensive and full of intelligent analysis of the social, cultural, racial and economic forces of the era amply illustrated with pertinent quotes from all those involved. The situation after the end of the civil war when the defeated south was occupied by the Union Army is one that I knew little about before reading this book, but that proved to be no obstacle to engaging with Foners well written book.
He pictures the position of the freed Slaves, the Confederate south and the Union North with great skill; not simplifying or glossing over nuances but presenting a full picture of all the forces, pressures and ideologies that clashed within that era. The plight of the freed blacks, and their frustrations in attempting to claim a full political, social and economic role within the post civil war United States is particularly harrowing and frustrating for anyone with a sense of fairness. The level of white violence which goes beyond the Ku Klux Klan to a fair proportion of the southern Democratic party is sickening, I had no idea at how pervasive and murderous it was.
It is definitely worth getting holding of, and if you can't stomach the 600 pages of the unabridged edition (or have a weak wrist) then there is a shorter version available too - A Short History of Reconstruction . I look forward to getting my hands on other works by Eric Foner.
Foner's own view is something closer to a revisionist. He views the freed slaves as active, central participants in the story of Reconstruction, and emphasises the dramatic social change that occurred in both the North and the South at this time.
He does seem to favour social history, but because the study is so extensive there is plenty of political narrative for the political historian (such as myself) as well.


![A Short History of Reconstruction [Updated Edition]](https://images-na.ssl-images-amazon.com/images/I/91DoJdwXLRL._AC_UL140_SR140,140_.jpg)

