Great book
I highly recommend you to read Ron's other books as well.
1.End The Fed 2.The School Revolution 3.Liberty Defined
I red them all and i think the more you educate yourself then you eventually start to see the world differently.
You start to understand and see true face of the world, reality, people and society.
And all the sudden you see your self in the move Matrix. you are Neo and Ron Poul is Morpheus.
dead end modern slavery system. the system you stuck in. you brain washed to believe by media, government, but is that a truth ?.
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The Revolution: A Manifesto Hardcover – April 1, 2008
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Print length173 pages
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LanguageEnglish
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PublisherGrand Central Publishing
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Publication dateApril 1, 2008
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Dimensions5.5 x 0.88 x 8.25 inches
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ISBN-100446537519
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ISBN-13978-0446537513
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Editorial Reviews
From Publishers Weekly
Congressman, Republican Presidential candidate and author Paul (A Foreign Policy of Freedom) says "Let the revolution begin" with this libertarian plea for a return to "the principles of our Founding Fathers: liberty, self-government, the Constitution, and a noninterventionist foreign policy." Specific examples demonstrate how far U.S. law has strayed from this path, particularly over the past century, as well as Paul's firm grasp of history and dedication to meaningful debate: "it is revolutionary to ask whether we need troops in 130 countries... whether the accumulation of more and more power in Washington has been good for us...to ask fundamental questions about privacy, police-state measures, taxation, social policy." Though he can rant, Paul is informative and impassioned, giving readers of any political bent food for thought. With harsh words for both Democrats and Republicans, and especially George W. Bush, Paul's no-nonsense text questions the "imperialist" foreign policy that's led to the war in Iraq ("one of the most ill considered, poorly planned, and... unnecessary military conflicts in American history"), the economic situation and rampant federalism treading on states' rights and identities ("The Founding Fathers did not intend for every American neighborhood to be exactly the same"). Though his policy suggestions can seem extreme, Paul's book gives new life to old debates.
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
Review
"The real truth about Liberty. This book takes a wrecking ball to the political establishment. Senator Goldwater would have loved it -- it's The Conscience of a Conservative for the 21st century." (Barry M. Goldwater, Jr., former member of Congress)
About the Author
Ron Paul, an eleven-term congressman from Texas , is the leading advocate of freedom in our nation's capital. He has devoted his political career to the defense of individual liberty, sound money, and a non-interventionist foreign policy. Judge Andrew Napolitano calls him "the Thomas Jefferson of our day."
After serving as a flight surgeon in the U.S. Air Force in the 1960s, Dr. Paul moved toTexas to begin a civilian medical practice, delivering over four thousand babies in his career as an obstetrician. He served in Congress from 1976 to 1984, and again from 1996 to the present. He and Carol Paul, his wife of fifty-one years, have five children, eighteen grandchildren, and one great-grandchild.
Ron Paul, the New York Post once wrote, is a politician who "cannot be bought by special interests."
"There are few people in public life who, through thick and thin, rain or shine, stick to their principles," added a congressional colleague. "Ron Paul is one of those few."
After serving as a flight surgeon in the U.S. Air Force in the 1960s, Dr. Paul moved to
Ron Paul, the New York Post once wrote, is a politician who "cannot be bought by special interests."
"There are few people in public life who, through thick and thin, rain or shine, stick to their principles," added a congressional colleague. "Ron Paul is one of those few."
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Product details
- Publisher : Grand Central Publishing; First Edition (April 1, 2008)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 173 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0446537519
- ISBN-13 : 978-0446537513
- Item Weight : 10.1 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 0.88 x 8.25 inches
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Best Sellers Rank:
#224,899 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #638 in Political Philosophy (Books)
- #1,513 in Political Leader Biographies
- #1,990 in Political Ideologies & Doctrines (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
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Reviewed in the United States on November 28, 2018
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10 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on March 29, 2020
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Congressman, Dr Ron Paul is one of them.
As old, wise and cynical as I am, my inklings and needling doubt was confirmed about Dr Pal when I read about him being curious about Galt Gulch.
I equate my horror to the Maoist college kids when they read about the gang of Four.
Ron Paul is a 'neo-liberal' kind of ideologist. Makes me weep.
As old, wise and cynical as I am, my inklings and needling doubt was confirmed about Dr Pal when I read about him being curious about Galt Gulch.
I equate my horror to the Maoist college kids when they read about the gang of Four.
Ron Paul is a 'neo-liberal' kind of ideologist. Makes me weep.
3 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on August 16, 2014
Verified Purchase
We have been saying it for many years now.
Back in the 90's it was Randy Weaver and Ruby Ridge, then David Koresh and Waco.
Then came Rodney King.
And now Ferguson.
It is sad, America IS a police state.
Back then they called us extreme and paranoid.
I think America is waking up, but as usual it's too late.
We need someone like Ron Paul to be president.
Unfortunately, no matter how likeable Obama is, we have just been rationalizing his actions for the last 6 years, nothing more.
If a black president can't bring justice to the people, who can?
Is he proof of the invisible government behind the Ostensible government that even Teddy Roosevelt talked about?
I don't know, but America has become a police state -- full stop.
No matter what you think of Ron Paul, THIS HERE BOOK IS THE STARTING POINT FOR REBUILDING, REDEFINING, AND GETTING BACK TO THE ROOTS OF AMERICA.
Back in the 90's it was Randy Weaver and Ruby Ridge, then David Koresh and Waco.
Then came Rodney King.
And now Ferguson.
It is sad, America IS a police state.
Back then they called us extreme and paranoid.
I think America is waking up, but as usual it's too late.
We need someone like Ron Paul to be president.
Unfortunately, no matter how likeable Obama is, we have just been rationalizing his actions for the last 6 years, nothing more.
If a black president can't bring justice to the people, who can?
Is he proof of the invisible government behind the Ostensible government that even Teddy Roosevelt talked about?
I don't know, but America has become a police state -- full stop.
No matter what you think of Ron Paul, THIS HERE BOOK IS THE STARTING POINT FOR REBUILDING, REDEFINING, AND GETTING BACK TO THE ROOTS OF AMERICA.
10 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on July 18, 2016
Verified Purchase
This is a wonderful, well-written book that uses plain language and clear logic to explain libertarian ideas and real world economics to ordinary people who may have never had exposure to the philosophy that was the basis for America's founding documents, or ever read anything by John Locke, Alexis de Tocqueville, Henry Hazlitt, or Murray Rothbard.
Dr. Paul wrote the book during his 2007-2008 campaign for the Republican nomination. As usual, it was designed to educate rather than get him elected and put forth some ideas that would clearly be rejected by many on both the right and left. Dr. Paul explains why the average voter must care about liberty and why the debate is not simply economic.
There are seven chapters plus a reading list that individuals who care about liberty can use as a reference that will lead them to further reading that will expand Dr. Paul's ideas and introduce new ones as well as more layers that may be useful to the skeptics.
Early in the book, in his first chapter, titled, "The False Choices of American Politics", he quotes Robert Taft:
"And when I say liberty I do not simply mean what is referred to as "free enterprise." I mean liberty of the individual to think his own thoughts and live his own life as he desires to think and to live; the liberty of the family to decide how they wish to live, what they want to eat for breakfast and for dinner, and how they wish to spend their time; liberty of a man to develop his ideas and get other people to teach those ideas, if he can convince them that they have some value to the world; liberty of every local community to decide how its children shall be educated, how its local services shall be run, and who its local leaders shall be; liberty of a man to choose his own occupation; and liberty of a man to run his own business as he thinks it ought to be run, as long as he does not interfere with the right of other people to do the same thing."
In the same chapter, he points out that it is considered revolutionary to question the accumulation of power in Washington has been good for Americans or to ask basic questions about privacy, police-state actions, social liberty, taxation, etc. Each of these is tied to the original intent and arguments made by America's Founding Fathers. He also points out that people like him are criticized for saying exactly the same things that the Founding Fathers said.
The second chapter is titled, "The Foreign Policy of the Founding Fathers." Dr. Paul begins with Jefferson's first inaugural address, where President Jefferson called for, "Peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations; entangling alliances with none," and reminds us that George Washington had said essentially the same thing.
George Washington's Farewell Address
Ironically, he cites George Bush, who ran against Gore on the idea of a modest foreign policy that the Founding Fathers would have approved of and called for avoiding the nation building that was favoured by progressives. It was Bush, not Gore, who had said, "And let us have an American foreign policy that reflects American character. The modesty of true strength. The humility of real greatness." Of course, Bush rejected his own advice after 9/11 and Americans are still living with the consequences. I was particularly pleased with the emphasis that he gave to John Quincy Adams when he went beyond his often cited quote that America does not go abroad in search of monsters to destroy. Add to that the Henry Clay quote, which I did not expect given Dr. Paul's problem with Clay on other issues and the reference to Richard Cobden, and the second chapter is worth the price of the Kindle version on its own.
Dr. Paul makes it clear that the critics of noninterventionism are hypocrites because they do not extend their argument against the policies recommended and followed by America's Founding Fathers. He also deals a fatal blow to the neocons by pointing out that 9/11 and other events have been caused by blowback from policies that they have not just supported but in many cases created.
Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism
Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire (American Empire Project)
I think that many readers who are not familiar with the concept may benefit from the discussion on the just-war tradition. Conservative Christians may particularly be interested in understanding why their position is in conflict with a Christian tradition that has been around since the fourth century.
I will not cover the other five chapters other than to say that all are worth reading very carefully. I would also take a close look at Dr. Paul's reading list because there are a number of great books on it that I have found very useful.
Dr. Paul wrote the book during his 2007-2008 campaign for the Republican nomination. As usual, it was designed to educate rather than get him elected and put forth some ideas that would clearly be rejected by many on both the right and left. Dr. Paul explains why the average voter must care about liberty and why the debate is not simply economic.
There are seven chapters plus a reading list that individuals who care about liberty can use as a reference that will lead them to further reading that will expand Dr. Paul's ideas and introduce new ones as well as more layers that may be useful to the skeptics.
Early in the book, in his first chapter, titled, "The False Choices of American Politics", he quotes Robert Taft:
"And when I say liberty I do not simply mean what is referred to as "free enterprise." I mean liberty of the individual to think his own thoughts and live his own life as he desires to think and to live; the liberty of the family to decide how they wish to live, what they want to eat for breakfast and for dinner, and how they wish to spend their time; liberty of a man to develop his ideas and get other people to teach those ideas, if he can convince them that they have some value to the world; liberty of every local community to decide how its children shall be educated, how its local services shall be run, and who its local leaders shall be; liberty of a man to choose his own occupation; and liberty of a man to run his own business as he thinks it ought to be run, as long as he does not interfere with the right of other people to do the same thing."
In the same chapter, he points out that it is considered revolutionary to question the accumulation of power in Washington has been good for Americans or to ask basic questions about privacy, police-state actions, social liberty, taxation, etc. Each of these is tied to the original intent and arguments made by America's Founding Fathers. He also points out that people like him are criticized for saying exactly the same things that the Founding Fathers said.
The second chapter is titled, "The Foreign Policy of the Founding Fathers." Dr. Paul begins with Jefferson's first inaugural address, where President Jefferson called for, "Peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations; entangling alliances with none," and reminds us that George Washington had said essentially the same thing.
George Washington's Farewell Address
Ironically, he cites George Bush, who ran against Gore on the idea of a modest foreign policy that the Founding Fathers would have approved of and called for avoiding the nation building that was favoured by progressives. It was Bush, not Gore, who had said, "And let us have an American foreign policy that reflects American character. The modesty of true strength. The humility of real greatness." Of course, Bush rejected his own advice after 9/11 and Americans are still living with the consequences. I was particularly pleased with the emphasis that he gave to John Quincy Adams when he went beyond his often cited quote that America does not go abroad in search of monsters to destroy. Add to that the Henry Clay quote, which I did not expect given Dr. Paul's problem with Clay on other issues and the reference to Richard Cobden, and the second chapter is worth the price of the Kindle version on its own.
Dr. Paul makes it clear that the critics of noninterventionism are hypocrites because they do not extend their argument against the policies recommended and followed by America's Founding Fathers. He also deals a fatal blow to the neocons by pointing out that 9/11 and other events have been caused by blowback from policies that they have not just supported but in many cases created.
Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism
Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire (American Empire Project)
I think that many readers who are not familiar with the concept may benefit from the discussion on the just-war tradition. Conservative Christians may particularly be interested in understanding why their position is in conflict with a Christian tradition that has been around since the fourth century.
I will not cover the other five chapters other than to say that all are worth reading very carefully. I would also take a close look at Dr. Paul's reading list because there are a number of great books on it that I have found very useful.
13 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on May 23, 2012
Verified Purchase
As an alien I have always viewed the electoral process and candidates with distrust. At 65, I am at last hopeful for a government by the people, that is for the people.
Ron Paul spells his plan out. He doesn't talk down but talks in a matter of fact manner, explaining topics that have bored most of us until now. He urges us to learn as much as we can so that we may continue his non-violent revolution. (There is a reading list at the end of the book). His book clarifies points made in his speeches and thereby refutes accusations that his ideas are "dangerous". He shares a concern for the poor, even those we have viewed as enemies. His care for American soldiers has been reciprocated by them, so that most election donations from active and retired military go to him. He tells the truth about our economy and warns that if we don't act now, America is a goner, since much of our debt is foreign owned and we borrow $2 billion a day from China and Japan. He would treat drug users as patients, not criminals, reminding us that Prohibition did not work. He would begin to resolve our national debt, by bringing soldiers back from 130 foreign countries. (he wonders why American soldiers are still in Germany after 70 years). He believes that America was attacked on 9/11 because we were occupying the countries of the Middle East not because of religious idealogy.
'The Revolution: A Manifesto' is a tiny but meaty book. Paul has garnered the most unexpected fans from the extreme left to the extreme right. The largest group of them are the young, who will perpetuate his revolution. If only I could have obtained 20 of the books at the price of $3.95, I would be distributing them and then purchasing more.
Ron Paul spells his plan out. He doesn't talk down but talks in a matter of fact manner, explaining topics that have bored most of us until now. He urges us to learn as much as we can so that we may continue his non-violent revolution. (There is a reading list at the end of the book). His book clarifies points made in his speeches and thereby refutes accusations that his ideas are "dangerous". He shares a concern for the poor, even those we have viewed as enemies. His care for American soldiers has been reciprocated by them, so that most election donations from active and retired military go to him. He tells the truth about our economy and warns that if we don't act now, America is a goner, since much of our debt is foreign owned and we borrow $2 billion a day from China and Japan. He would treat drug users as patients, not criminals, reminding us that Prohibition did not work. He would begin to resolve our national debt, by bringing soldiers back from 130 foreign countries. (he wonders why American soldiers are still in Germany after 70 years). He believes that America was attacked on 9/11 because we were occupying the countries of the Middle East not because of religious idealogy.
'The Revolution: A Manifesto' is a tiny but meaty book. Paul has garnered the most unexpected fans from the extreme left to the extreme right. The largest group of them are the young, who will perpetuate his revolution. If only I could have obtained 20 of the books at the price of $3.95, I would be distributing them and then purchasing more.
3 people found this helpful
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Top reviews from other countries
Shane Slade
5.0 out of 5 stars
A Pauline Conversion
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on April 28, 2009Verified Purchase
Here in the UK, we could learn a lot from the sentiments of Mr Paul. At a time when politics has become a profession rather than a vocation, self interest is the politician's only concern. This book argues for less government intervention in our lives. He quotes George Washington to the effect that "Government is not reason; it is not eloquence, it is force".
The author is a devotee of the Austrian School of economics with its liberal belief in the healthy instincts of the capitalist society uncluttered by the meddling of government agencies. All the evils of our society arise from such meddling he says, whether it be intervention in the politics of foreign countries, foreign aid and at home the banning of drugs and the spending on welfare and medical aid. He even argues against the levying of income tax.
The pandering to special interest groups always distorts the economy and leads to waste and bureaucracy. He opposed the bailout of the banks for this reason (welfare for the rich) which we have slavishly followed over here in the UK. The UK has a lot to learn from Mr Paul. Only yesterday the UK Government took drastic powers of "snooping" into electronic communications in the alleged fight against terror. Yet the Government's own activities are shrouded in secret.
Somehow the public must stem and then turn the tide of this undemocratic way of government. In ancient Greece each citizen was required to serve one year in the administration and was obliged to follow the Constitutional laws in every particular. Any irregular behaviour was heavily punished. I recommend this book for those who have wanted a system of politics unpolluted by false sentiment and framed for democratic people with fellow feeling and humane intelligence.
The author is a devotee of the Austrian School of economics with its liberal belief in the healthy instincts of the capitalist society uncluttered by the meddling of government agencies. All the evils of our society arise from such meddling he says, whether it be intervention in the politics of foreign countries, foreign aid and at home the banning of drugs and the spending on welfare and medical aid. He even argues against the levying of income tax.
The pandering to special interest groups always distorts the economy and leads to waste and bureaucracy. He opposed the bailout of the banks for this reason (welfare for the rich) which we have slavishly followed over here in the UK. The UK has a lot to learn from Mr Paul. Only yesterday the UK Government took drastic powers of "snooping" into electronic communications in the alleged fight against terror. Yet the Government's own activities are shrouded in secret.
Somehow the public must stem and then turn the tide of this undemocratic way of government. In ancient Greece each citizen was required to serve one year in the administration and was obliged to follow the Constitutional laws in every particular. Any irregular behaviour was heavily punished. I recommend this book for those who have wanted a system of politics unpolluted by false sentiment and framed for democratic people with fellow feeling and humane intelligence.
7 people found this helpful
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Rik Storey
5.0 out of 5 stars
Libertarian wake-up call
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on December 1, 2013Verified Purchase
This is an excellent polemic against the increasing intervention into economic and social life in the US. It is a call for reformation, to return to the principles of the US Constitution, i.e. Social freedom, free markets, small government providing courts, police and national defence and little else.
It also sheds light on the overinflated currency which is a symptom of this Socialistic government which has enshrouded America.
I would have liked to read something more systematic but this was thoroughly engaging and should be necessary reading in American schools.
It also sheds light on the overinflated currency which is a symptom of this Socialistic government which has enshrouded America.
I would have liked to read something more systematic but this was thoroughly engaging and should be necessary reading in American schools.
Victor Hundeboll
5.0 out of 5 stars
A great introduction to libertarian ideas
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on June 1, 2020Verified Purchase
This book was easy and simple to read. It gave a very good introduction to libertarianism. Would recommend it to anyone who is looking for an introduction libertarianism and how an ideal libertarian society would look. The book does mainly focus on the US but the ideas discussed can be implemented in any country.
M. McManus
4.0 out of 5 stars
Interesting solutions for America's difficulties
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on June 15, 2008Verified Purchase
Ron Paul's argument is a simple one. The US is suffering from economic and diplomatic problems because it is ignoring its Constitution and the traditions of its founding fathers in both domestic and international dealings. The US has abandoned its traditional principles of small government, and is instead spending ever more on larger and more intrusive and bureaucratic government departments and schemes. It has also abandoned its non-interventionist foreign policy in favour of pre-emptive war.
Ron Paul is known as a non-consensus politician. He explains in the book this is not because of a desire to seek attention or be contrary for its own sake. Rather, he charges the Republicans and Democrats as being carbon copies of each other and therefore someone has to break the mould, and that might as well be him.
To solve this Paul suggests two things. Firstly, he argues the foreign policy can be changed quickly, so he proposes an end to the war in Iraq, and a strategic withdrawal of US troops stationed in Cold War bases that are no longer threatened. This would save billions of dollars, and would repair America's diplomatic standing in the world.
He rejects this is isolationism. He has no particular problem with military action overseas, providing the full facts of the threat are debated, and the war is properly declared by Congress, not by Presidential executive order. Indeed, the reader will learn the last time Congress declared war was in 1941. Every war since was by Presidential decree. Paul believes this smacks of dictatorship.
He concedes that the elaborate social security schemes in America cannot suddenly be stopped overnight because too many people depend on them. So, he argues a phased reduction in their scope, using money saved from troop withdrawals to fund this transitionary phase. Long term, he envisages dramatically scaling back US central government, and returning power and decision making to individual states.
Ron Paul also talks about his belief that the war on drugs is a waste, and makes the case that soft drugs should be de-criminalised. He also argues that Americans should be allowed to use precious metals like gold and silver in financial transfers, as these commodities are more secure than paper currency which can dramatically change in value.
The book is not without its weaknesses. For a British reader, there are many terms and issues he brings up which are not particularly relevant or easy to understand. As a former doctor, he write extensively on plans to reform the US health care system, yet this is so complicated, no one outside the US would properly understand it. His chapter on the Federal Reserve and monetary policy was also rather confusing to anyone not well versed in the jargon of economics.
All in all, Paul is a rebel figure in American politics, and his book is well worth a read. It is a little inaccurate to describe anything in this book as revolutionary, but it is certainly thought provoking.
Ron Paul is known as a non-consensus politician. He explains in the book this is not because of a desire to seek attention or be contrary for its own sake. Rather, he charges the Republicans and Democrats as being carbon copies of each other and therefore someone has to break the mould, and that might as well be him.
To solve this Paul suggests two things. Firstly, he argues the foreign policy can be changed quickly, so he proposes an end to the war in Iraq, and a strategic withdrawal of US troops stationed in Cold War bases that are no longer threatened. This would save billions of dollars, and would repair America's diplomatic standing in the world.
He rejects this is isolationism. He has no particular problem with military action overseas, providing the full facts of the threat are debated, and the war is properly declared by Congress, not by Presidential executive order. Indeed, the reader will learn the last time Congress declared war was in 1941. Every war since was by Presidential decree. Paul believes this smacks of dictatorship.
He concedes that the elaborate social security schemes in America cannot suddenly be stopped overnight because too many people depend on them. So, he argues a phased reduction in their scope, using money saved from troop withdrawals to fund this transitionary phase. Long term, he envisages dramatically scaling back US central government, and returning power and decision making to individual states.
Ron Paul also talks about his belief that the war on drugs is a waste, and makes the case that soft drugs should be de-criminalised. He also argues that Americans should be allowed to use precious metals like gold and silver in financial transfers, as these commodities are more secure than paper currency which can dramatically change in value.
The book is not without its weaknesses. For a British reader, there are many terms and issues he brings up which are not particularly relevant or easy to understand. As a former doctor, he write extensively on plans to reform the US health care system, yet this is so complicated, no one outside the US would properly understand it. His chapter on the Federal Reserve and monetary policy was also rather confusing to anyone not well versed in the jargon of economics.
All in all, Paul is a rebel figure in American politics, and his book is well worth a read. It is a little inaccurate to describe anything in this book as revolutionary, but it is certainly thought provoking.
18 people found this helpful
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MM
5.0 out of 5 stars
Five Stars
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on October 30, 2016Verified Purchase
fantastic book
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