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The Revolution: A Manifesto Hardcover – April, 2008
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From Publishers Weekly
Congressman, Republican Presidential candidate and author Paul (A Foreign Policy of Freedom) says "Let the revolution begin" with this libertarian plea for a return to "the principles of our Founding Fathers: liberty, self-government, the Constitution, and a noninterventionist foreign policy." Specific examples demonstrate how far U.S. law has strayed from this path, particularly over the past century, as well as Paul's firm grasp of history and dedication to meaningful debate: "it is revolutionary to ask whether we need troops in 130 countries... whether the accumulation of more and more power in Washington has been good for us...to ask fundamental questions about privacy, police-state measures, taxation, social policy." Though he can rant, Paul is informative and impassioned, giving readers of any political bent food for thought. With harsh words for both Democrats and Republicans, and especially George W. Bush, Paul's no-nonsense text questions the "imperialist" foreign policy that's led to the war in Iraq ("one of the most ill considered, poorly planned, and... unnecessary military conflicts in American history"), the economic situation and rampant federalism treading on states' rights and identities ("The Founding Fathers did not intend for every American neighborhood to be exactly the same"). Though his policy suggestions can seem extreme, Paul's book gives new life to old debates.
Copyright © Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
"The real truth about Liberty. This book takes a wrecking ball to the political establishment. Senator Goldwater would have loved it -- it's The Conscience of a Conservative for the 21st century." (Barry M. Goldwater, Jr., former member of Congress)
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Dr. Paul wrote the book during his 2007-2008 campaign for the Republican nomination. As usual, it was designed to educate rather than get him elected and put forth some ideas that would clearly be rejected by many on both the right and left. Dr. Paul explains why the average voter must care about liberty and why the debate is not simply economic.
There are seven chapters plus a reading list that individuals who care about liberty can use as a reference that will lead them to further reading that will expand Dr. Paul's ideas and introduce new ones as well as more layers that may be useful to the skeptics.
Early in the book, in his first chapter, titled, "The False Choices of American Politics", he quotes Robert Taft:
"And when I say liberty I do not simply mean what is referred to as "free enterprise." I mean liberty of the individual to think his own thoughts and live his own life as he desires to think and to live; the liberty of the family to decide how they wish to live, what they want to eat for breakfast and for dinner, and how they wish to spend their time; liberty of a man to develop his ideas and get other people to teach those ideas, if he can convince them that they have some value to the world; liberty of every local community to decide how its children shall be educated, how its local services shall be run, and who its local leaders shall be; liberty of a man to choose his own occupation; and liberty of a man to run his own business as he thinks it ought to be run, as long as he does not interfere with the right of other people to do the same thing."
In the same chapter, he points out that it is considered revolutionary to question the accumulation of power in Washington has been good for Americans or to ask basic questions about privacy, police-state actions, social liberty, taxation, etc. Each of these is tied to the original intent and arguments made by America's Founding Fathers. He also points out that people like him are criticized for saying exactly the same things that the Founding Fathers said.
The second chapter is titled, "The Foreign Policy of the Founding Fathers." Dr. Paul begins with Jefferson's first inaugural address, where President Jefferson called for, "Peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations; entangling alliances with none," and reminds us that George Washington had said essentially the same thing.
George Washington's Farewell Address
Ironically, he cites George Bush, who ran against Gore on the idea of a modest foreign policy that the Founding Fathers would have approved of and called for avoiding the nation building that was favoured by progressives. It was Bush, not Gore, who had said, "And let us have an American foreign policy that reflects American character. The modesty of true strength. The humility of real greatness." Of course, Bush rejected his own advice after 9/11 and Americans are still living with the consequences. I was particularly pleased with the emphasis that he gave to John Quincy Adams when he went beyond his often cited quote that America does not go abroad in search of monsters to destroy. Add to that the Henry Clay quote, which I did not expect given Dr. Paul's problem with Clay on other issues and the reference to Richard Cobden, and the second chapter is worth the price of the Kindle version on its own.
Dr. Paul makes it clear that the critics of noninterventionism are hypocrites because they do not extend their argument against the policies recommended and followed by America's Founding Fathers. He also deals a fatal blow to the neocons by pointing out that 9/11 and other events have been caused by blowback from policies that they have not just supported but in many cases created.
Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism
Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire (American Empire Project)
I think that many readers who are not familiar with the concept may benefit from the discussion on the just-war tradition. Conservative Christians may particularly be interested in understanding why their position is in conflict with a Christian tradition that has been around since the fourth century.
I will not cover the other five chapters other than to say that all are worth reading very carefully. I would also take a close look at Dr. Paul's reading list because there are a number of great books on it that I have found very useful.
One thing I really appreciated was the way the book presents our political situation as not just a practical concern, but a moral one. Not only would restoring freedom improve things economically, but also morally. As Ron Paul states, I would advocate freedom on morality only, and accept less prosperity, if that were needed, but fortunately freedom and prosperity go hand in hand.
Unfortunately, while the book alludes to some problem with government control of education, I think it fails to identify or recognize just how destructive public education has become. I fear most people have been too "educated" to read about, much less understand, the basic concepts presented here.
Overall, while I didn't agree with everything in it, The Revolution was a great read, well written, and presented intelligent arguments and evidence in support of its ideas.