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The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America Hardcover – May 24, 2004
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- Print length464 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPenguin Press HC, The
- Publication dateMay 24, 2004
- Dimensions6.32 x 1.54 x 9.36 inches
- ISBN-101594200203
- ISBN-13978-1594200205
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Review
...a bold and impressive analysis of modern American conservatism, one that benefits...from their privileged outsider's view onto American politics. -- Earl Black, Rice University; co-author of The Rise of Southern Republicans
...this book provides a serious and thoughtful analysis of how we got where we are in our politics today. -- Senator John McCain
The Right Nation arrives at just the right time. -- Ronald Brownstein, Los Angeles Times national political correspondent and CNN political analyst
The Right Nation seems to be - how to put it - right. -- P. J. O'Rourke, author of Peace Kills
A fascinating, uniquely fair-minded and comprehensive history of how...conservatism - in its many expressions - has taken over America. -- Alistair Cooke
Elegantly written...The Right Nation is required reading for anybody who wants to understand the United States today. -- Walter Russell Mead, author of Power, Terror, Peace and War: America's Grand Strategy in a World at Risk
[Paints] a convincing picture of where America is today, how it got there and where it is likely headed. -- Michael Barone, U.S. News & World Report, co-author of The Almanac of American Politics
[a] wonderfully written, intelligent, and accessible book. -- Fareed Zakaria, author of The Future of Freedom
About the Author
Both John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge were educated at Oxford and went on to work for The Economist. John Micklethwait has overseen the magazine's Los Angeles and New York bureaus and is now its U.S. editor. Adrian Wooldridge has served as West Coast correspondent, social-policy correspondent, and management editor, and is currently Washington, D.C., correspondent. Together, they have coauthored three books, The Witch Doctors, A Future Perfect: The Challenge and Hidden Promise of Globalisation, and The Company: A Short History of a Revolutionary Idea.
Both John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge were educated at Oxford and went on to work for The Economist. John Micklethwait has overseen the magazine's Los Angeles and New York bureaus and is now its U.S. editor. Adrian Wooldridge has served as West Coast correspondent, social-policy correspondent, and management editor, and is currently Washington, D.C., correspondent. Together, they have coauthored three books, The Witch Doctors, A Future Perfect: The Challenge and Hidden Promise of Globalisation, and The Company: A Short History of a Revolutionary Idea.
Product details
- Publisher : Penguin Press HC, The (May 24, 2004)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 464 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1594200203
- ISBN-13 : 978-1594200205
- Item Weight : 1.7 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.32 x 1.54 x 9.36 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,914,379 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #3,575 in Political Conservatism & Liberalism
- #5,479 in Political Philosophy (Books)
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For years it has not been clear to me what was meant by liberal and conservative. These guys have made thing much clearer. And as they pronounce the "victory" of conservatives (the right wing), I sense their regret to report this. This means that a non-trivial portion of the US population is potentially psychotic on at least a part time basis, and that they are sure that the remainder are fully insane.
As closely as I can discover, the themes of the conservative/right wing movements are (1) "Screw you, I got mine", and (2) "My God told me you are always wrong and will be cast into hell, but I will sanctimoniously pray for you as that happens - but you are dammed anyway". And as the right wing has been taken over the GOP, it is interested to understand that without the Southern Racial Strategy, embraced by Nixon through Bush 2nd, which enlisted and expanded on the worst of the southern racist pathologies (still alive and well despite Powell and Rice, who appear to have no influence, except at "showtime" to sing and dance--shades of Mr. Bojangles).
The authors describe a country I to well recognize and regret. I am forced to remember that hubris always leads to fracture and fall, without exception. My primary hope is that we will quickly and thoroughly suffer the fall into which our current arrogance has led us, that we can rid ourselves of the current layer of idiots that control the bureaucracies which spend our money for their ideological satisfaction, an offering, a golden calf, for their rabid, right religious and political wings. But it does no good to deny the primary thesis of this book, that the Right, funded by corporations, have won, have made us course, arrogant and uncaring. What will bring us back to caring for the poor, caring for one another, remembering that we need to offer opportunities to all--the core tentets of Christ, but not the Christians of the day. Catastrophe? We are ignoring the moving tectonic plates under our feet (medical, food, environment, etc.) whilst engaging in unnecessary wars and military excursions to demonstrate our "defense departments" by aggressive pre-emptions, using a mercenary (volunteet) army and mercenaries (i.e. Haliburton). There is much to be said for the French Foreign Legion who are really expendable, although we are nearly there.
The resources and expanses which the US evolved from were placed here through chance, not some Calvinistic God who predestined each and every one of us to enjoy them. And were that so, he would be accountable for much sorrow, much woe and much destruction, tens millions of American Natives slaughtered by disease and simple slaying, millions of Africans slaughtered and used as slaves, peons and finally untouchables in apartheid. Let us also consider our manifold military adventures, most undertaken for gain under the guise of humanitarian actions. For these are part of the "Great Manifest Destiny" upon which the current fundamentalist administration so desperately pins its hopes. So much for humility, which we are enjoined to abjure in the name of a loving but destructive God ("if you get killed, you must have sinned and deserved it").
The authors have rather thoroughly uncoved the seamy underside of US political history. The simple fact that the right wing reviewers did not understand this means they are comfortable with all the baggage of "god driven politics and government" and all the associated pathologies that attend it -- it speaks clearly for their personal theologies and lack of concern for others (remember, "Screw You Jack, I GOT Mine" is the official right wing (conservative) anthem). But, there is time and the Jackals of the Right may even finally discern how this report exposes their pathologies and intentions for the rest of us. As for liberals, who should proudly wear their colours, you have only just barely begun to understand the fight in which you are engaged -- and I hope for the sake of civilization that you gird your loins to fight this pestilence, this political black death. For those in the middle, I advise you to wake up also and if you do not take sides, at least become enlightened sufficiently to understand that future of your children is being decided now by a bunch of people with theological and political intent to establish a basically fascist state, with themselves in charge (Calvin would be proud.)
The two British authors report on the US scene for the Economist magazine and they come across as cleared-eyed, disinterested observers of American culture. If they don't worship America, they seem at least bemused by it, and willing to grant us our good points. They back up their opinions with lots of facts and a solid understanding of American history. The book is easy to read, written in the same breezy and knowledgeable style you'll find in the Economist.
Seen from the European perspective, Americans appear both more religious and more heartless than other nations. Many more Americans than Europeans go to church on a regular basis. But Americans are far more willing to let the poor and ill fend for themselves, and our rabid support of the death penalty seems barbaric to almost every other Christian nation. Since America now spends far more on military technology than the rest of the world, we should only get more tone deaf regarding multilateral foreign policy initiatives: with God on our side and more guns than anyone else, will we really care what the French think?
Like diligent anthropologists, the authors track down the tribal structures of American conservatism. From think tanks and foundations that formulate new policy initiatives, to the media outlets that publicize them, down to the foot soldiers out in the sun-kissed suburban precincts, conservative Republicans have assembled a disciplined, well-run political organization. Even though this book was written before the 2004 election, its insights about the Republican machine were amply borne out by the way Republican partisans out-thought, out-worked, and out-organized their Democratic opponents.
Part of the Republican rise can be attributed to demographic trends. The South defected to the Republicans after Democrats passed the Civil Rights Act in the sixties. The new exurban communities of the West have always been more receptive to the Republican message. Blue collar workers in the Midwest defected to the Republicans over cultural issues, even to the point of voting against their economic self interests. This grouping of Americans, combined with the rural Midwest and West, has enough mass under the American electoral system to outweigh the votes of urban liberals on both coasts.
As the authors repeatedly point out, liberals no longer set the intellectual agenda in America. Instead they react to conservative ideas on the economy, the military, the role of religion in American life and how big the federal government should be. But if Republicans are now the party of new ideas, many of these ideas are contradictory. This is a political party that talks about getting government off the backs of the people while racking up record deficits, assaulting basic civil rights and force feeding right wing religious values into the political sphere. The authors wonder whether the Republican Party might split along the fault lines of its competing interest groups: it takes a mighty big tent to encompass grizzled libertarians in the Idaho hills, Arnold Schwarzenegger and right wing evangelicals of the John Ashcroft ilk.
One of the book's more striking insights comes near the end, when the authors compare Democrat Nancy Pelosi's San Francisco congressional district with Republican Dennis Hastert's Illinois district. Pelosi's domain comes across as more class-conscious, politically gridlocked and disorderly than Hastert's. Despite the many charms of San Francisco, "Hastertland" - egalitarian, pro-growth, religious and orderly - seems to be where most Americans would choose to live. Republicans are more successful than Democrats because their message better resonates with the cultural aspirations of the American people - we seem to want a government that allows us to get ahead, and then protects us from people who resemble us before we got respectable.
If you're a conservative Republican, you already know what's in this book - and you'll feel proud of what you've managed to accomplish since the Goldwater debacle of 1964. If you're on the other side, the authors have given you a wake up call - you're beginning to look a lot like those 1960s Republicans: outflanked, outmoded and out of touch.
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この本が邦訳されなかったことは残念だ。
The authors argue that America has always been a conservative nation, the Revolution notwithstanding. The Revolution was fought not to introduce new rights and privileges, but to preserve and maintain the status quo. The Britain of the time was seen as infringing and oppressing rights enshrined in law; it was a revolution fought against change, not for it. And as a result, government itself was seen as part of the problem, and that view hasn't changed.
The authors also argue that because so much of American history has been written by what we call, for lack of a better word, the bourgeoisie, it has never developed a radical fringe, either Left or Right, that other countries with more established labour classes have. I'm not entirely convinced by that argument, although there's no denying the country was founded with Jefferson's small farmer in mind, and farmers have always tended to skew conservative.
Because of this past, both dominant political parties in America are conservative to European eyes, the Centre and the Right-of-Centre. Even the supposed liberal party, the Democrats, is not as left-wing as most of Europe. This, the authors argue, aids the Republicans as the more right of the parties, as the Democrats have less to argue against.
There's a lot more besides, too much to go into in one review. It's a fascinating read, for once entirely lacking in the partisan vitriol that most discussions of American politics tend to engender. It also highlights the lack of understanding of the basic roots of American politics that gave rise to the European loathing for George Bush and the hailing of the election of Barack Obama. For my own part, it's sad to admit that the election of Obama may not herald any kind of sea-change in American politics; the underlying trend is conservative and is likely to remain that way for some time.



