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Right-Wing Collectivism: The Other Threat to Liberty Kindle Edition
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Right-collectivism also opposes traditional liberalism. It opposes free trade, freedom of association, free migration, and capitalism understood as a laissez-faire free market. It rallies around nation and state as the organizing principles of the social order—and trends in the direction of favoring one-man rule—but positions itself as opposed to leftism traditionally understood.
We know about certain fascist leaders from the mid-20th century, but not the ideological orientation that led to them or the ideas they left on the table to be picked up generations later. For the most part, and until recently, it seemed to have dropped from history. Meanwhile, the prospects for social democratic ideology are fading, and something else is coming to fill that vacuum. What is it? Where does it come from? Where is it leading?
This book seeks to fill the knowledge gap, to explain what this movement is about and why anyone who genuinely loves and longs for liberty classically understood needs to develop a nose and instinct for spotting the opposite when it comes in an unfamiliar form. We need to learn to recognize the language, the thinkers, the themes, the goals of a political ethos that is properly identified as fascist.
"Jeffrey Tucker in his brilliant book calls right-wing populism what it actually is, namely, fascism, or, in its German form national socialism, nazism. You need Tucker’s book. You need to worry. If you are a real liberal, you need to know where the new national socialism comes from, the better to call it out and shame it back into the shadows. Now."
— Deirdre McCloskey
- LanguageEnglish
- Publication dateSeptember 19, 2017
- File size1977 KB
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Product details
- ASIN : B075MRH3W5
- Publisher : Foundation for Economic Education (September 19, 2017)
- Publication date : September 19, 2017
- Language : English
- File size : 1977 KB
- Simultaneous device usage : Unlimited
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Screen Reader : Supported
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Not Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Sticky notes : On Kindle Scribe
- Print length : 240 pages
- Page numbers source ISBN : 157246299X
- Best Sellers Rank: #859,664 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- #265 in Political Freedom (Kindle Store)
- #631 in Fascism (Books)
- #829 in Political Freedom (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

Jeffrey Tucker is founder and president of the Brownstone Institute. He is also Distinguish Senior Fellow of the Austrian Economics Center in Vienna, a research fellow of the RMIT Blockchain Study Group, a columnist at Forbes, Chief Liberty Officer and founder of Liberty.me, Distinguished Honorary Member of Mises Brazil, research fellow at the Acton Institute, policy adviser of the Heartland Institute, founder of the CryptoCurrency Conference, and author of 10 books in 5 languages.
He created the first commercial service of online book distribution that published entirely in the commons (The Laissez Faire Club) and he was an early innovator in online distribution of literature during his tenure as builder and editor of Mises.org from 1996 until 2011, and later directed editorial at fee.org and aier.org. He created the first live classroom in the liberty-oriented ideological space and assembled the official bibliography of famed economic writer Henry Hazlitt, a project that included more than 10,000 entries. Early in his career, following his degree in economics and journalism, he served as research assistant to Ron Paul at his private foundation.
Jeffrey Tucker gave the Franz Čuhel Memorial Lecture at the Prague Conference on Political Economy in 2017, has been a two-time featured guest on John Stossel’s show, interviewed on Glenn Beck’s television show, spoken at Google headquarters, appeared frequently on Huffington Post Live and Russia Today, been the two-time Master of Ceremonies at Libertopia, been featured at FreedomFest and the International Students for Liberty Conference, the featured speaker at Liberty Forum five years, keynoted the Young Americans for Liberty national convention, has spoken at many dozens of colleges and universities in the U.S. and around the world including Harvard University and Boston University, has been quoted in the New York Times and Washington Post, appears regularly in Newsweek and many other popular venues, and is in constant demand as a headline speaker at libertarian, technology, and monetary conferences around the world.
Publishing site: http:brownstone.org
Email: jeffrey.a.tucker@gmail.com
Skype: Jeffrey.A.Tucker
Twitter: JeffreyATucker
FB Official: jeffreytucker.official
G Plus: Jeffrey.A.Tucker@gmail.com
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What a strange patchwork book it is. The title was misleading in that it was less about explaining the alt-right phenomenon, than it was championing and expounding the principles of libertarianism. But hey. I learned a lot from all the digressions. For instance the author goes into random state practices of the early 20th century, including about 75 pages devoted to American eugenics policies, which the author, unconvincingly, passes as a kind of premonitory parallel to contemporary environmental policies. I really don’t find these to be commensurable phenomenon at all. But the author seems to think the contemporary consensus on climate change and environmental degradation to be suspect . . . in the same way the pseudo-science backing eugenics policies was eventually discredited. An ideologically motivated exaggeration? Of course not. “Genuine liberalism . . . probably shouldn’t be classified as ideology at all” (pg. 190). Right.
That kind of rough gloss over utterly distinct historical contexts seems to me actually quite symptomatic of the flippant and crude distortions (e.g., equations of Left and Right, of Social Democracy and Fascism, among others) that inform libertarianism, as I’ve understood it reading this. The presupposition is always that of an isolated and strangely decontextualized individual in search of freedom and fulfillment in, of all places, the market: that roiling force field of compulsions leveled incessantly, brutally, against poorly situated individuals the world over. Perhaps the “market” (a kind of loose metonymy for the planetary system of contemporary capitalism) is more accurately thought of, to borrow an incredible formulation from historian Moishe Postone, as a form of abstract, impersonal social domination, and thus no friend of general human happiness, freedom, or creativity.
Though the author is certainly willing to forget about the massive and growing populations of people today who appear utterly superfluous to that system, their labor unmarketable, and yet their existence wholly contingent on it, there being no chance for self-sufficiency in a world of ubiquitous property. The market, it’s not hard to see, does not exist to directly meet human needs. That of course happens, but more as a by-product to a kind of semi-autonomous end-in-itself whose true aim is to turn money into more money. Only from a libertarian viewpoint does this appear as a wholly unmixed blessing . . .
Surely the market is to be praised for neutralizing older forms of personal and direct domination (e.g., feudalism). But that does not make the market and the states that guarantee its smooth functioning (even libertarians like the author concede the state’s necessity for a functioning market) forces of liberation. My problem with libertarianism, especially with this author’s gloating recount of its historical victories, is that it only counts the blessings of capitalism’s development, while turning a blind eye entirely to its dramatic—intensive and extensive—shortcomings for human dignity and, yes, freedom.
Had the author not been so preoccupied with libertarian self-promotions (“Here is magic. Here is beauty. Here is true heroism.”!) he may have had a chance to explore the connection between the darker right wing trajectories emerging today and the increasing inability of advanced states and the global market at large to provide for the needs of an increasing mass of individuals. In other words, he may have pondered how the free market is perhaps not the immutable and always-unequivocal solution to the resurgence of bizarre fascist ideologies, but also, at the same time, their cause. The same was true in the deep undertow of economic depression that catalyzed Germany’s (resistible) devolution into Nazism.
But to this author, other political viewpoints are all, apparently, equatable to fascism at some deeper level or, at the least, to authoritarian programs of social control. I beg to differ. I certainly agree with the author that in the coming decades advanced nations will likely be faced with the enormous challenge of filling the void left by the growing dysfunction of political solutions to the contemporary crises of this modern global system. But I don’t think deregulating the markets is the magic solution. Doing so will only further our journey down a constricting pathway whose endpoint is barbaric desocialization.
Nonetheless, I do have some minor criticisms. First, I felt that Nietzsche was conspicuously left out of the philosophical background of fascism (will to power, übermensch), even if the reason why is his works were misunderstood by the wrong people. Second, I felt the discussion of eugenics went on for too long, while the treatment of the philosophical background could have benefited from some of that page space. Third, he posits classical liberalism as the only real alternative to Hegelianism, neglecting to realize that much of what we have been experiencing in American policy and politics isn't so much left-Hegelian; it is probably more accurately described as Hobbesian/Rawlsian. It struck me as somewhat dishonest to suggest there are only three extreme choices available, particularly since any advocate of voluntaryism or libertarianism needs to have answers for how extreme wealth concentration in the hands of the few can serve as much a hindrance to liberty as can extreme political power in the hands of the few, and what are the boundaries of property and the commons, and to what extent different categories of free market actions are truly voluntary (given hard needs such as food and shelter). No extreme position has all the answers, although it is true and Tucker points out, and should be given credit, that liberty tends to win the day unless there is a damn good reason to curtail it.
Jeffery Tucker does an outstanding job of breaking down the history of of the Hegelian movement both left and right through Marx and Carlyle and the early American Progressives right up through today's Alt-Right and AntiFa movements. Along the way we take some interesting twists such as "Lunch with a Nazi" and a review of 1999's "Fight Club"
Tucker carries us through and ties it all together in simple logical steps. It is absolutely terrifying, but a necessary read if you want to really understand today's political nightmare (on both sides).
I did take a couple small exceptions with parts of this work. Tucker goes into details of defining characteristics of "nationhood". He mentions and then immediately discards religion as one of these characteristics. This totally discounts the "civic religion" we have built up in this country replacing hymns, prayers and temples with anthems, pledges and monuments. When you look at the Right-Hegelian movement today through this lens it becomes even more frightening. The other exception was Tucker's deep feelings for the Libertarian Party. Bill Weld as a champion of liberty? He really lost some anti-statist credibility with that chapter.
Over all this is an outstanding work that makes one think deeply and piles on references for those who want to dig deeper.
Top reviews from other countries
Tucker begins the book by tracing the development of fascist thinking. Along the way he argues that as well as being the grandfather of fascism, Hegel spawned communism. Tucker shows how Karl Marx didn't reject Hegel but used the Hegelian template to reshape authoritarianism and embed that mindset amongst the Left. If you accept this, then it explains why fascism and communism are so similar and always end with dictatorship, controlled economies and mass killings.
The inspiration for putting the book together was the rise of 'Right-Wing Collectivism'. This political phenomena appeared to come out of nowhere and was certainly missed by most commentators. The success of Donald Trump and others took people by surprise and it was claimed could be understood simply as people feeling disconnected to the political class.
But as Tucker says these things don't happen accidentally and whether their proponents know it or not, there is a body of work that gives ballast to this movement. Tucker shows it isn't a pleasant body of work. It is full of hatred and reactionary ideas, but it exists and has proved hard to get rid of. Everyone thought after World War Two fascism was done but Tucker shows that unfortunately bad ideas have a way of resurfacing.
Tucker's liberalism comes through on every page. He critiques right-wing collectivism from the point of view of a classical liberal and he counters its arguments with liberal ideas.
If you want to understand this form of collectivism or are simply interested in political ideas, then this is a must-read book.
There's also his use of definitions. He states firstly that reactionaries and fascists are inherently left wing with conservative social values, however, he still uses the label right wing for these groups. The only reasoning I see behind this is to sell more copies to left leaning or centrist readers. It becomes confusing to tie fascist philosophy to the right, when in your own definition you label it as left.
This book is disappointing. I was very excited to see a book that tackled the contradictory views of the 'alt right', and in the first half of the book it is just weak attempts to tie Trump to this group. The author displays a fair amount of insight into neoreactionaries and the alt right, but for some reason he didn't happen across the fact that after Trump's election they turned against him for his Reaganite views.
The author identifies this small fringe group as a threat (which following Charlottesville it is forgiviable, but it seems this was just a knee jerk reaction, as nothing ever happened like it again). However, in year past, this group has dwindled even more. The author should have investigated whether it was a case of the media spotlight granting validation to a fringe group, rather than this group being appealing to any commonfolk.
The insight on the alt right in this book is great, but the author is overbearing and sometimes comical with his reaching for conclusions based on minimal evidence, not to mention he uses quotes out of context to justify his own views of Trump.
In the end, I would only recommend few chapters of this book, as they are very solid and well researched, with others either rehashing things the author already talked about, or being disingenuous to fit his own narrative.



