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Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881-2001 Reprint Edition
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Benny Morris
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978-0679744757
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0679744754
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“The most sophisticated and nuanced account of the Zionist-Arab conflict.”–The New York Times Book Review
“A very rich account.... Defies sweeping generalizations about the conflict and facile attribution of moral responsibility to any one side.”–Foreign Affairs
“A very rich account.... Defies sweeping generalizations about the conflict and facile attribution of moral responsibility to any one side.”–Foreign Affairs
From the Inside Flap
en the Middle East has come closer to achieving peace than ever before, eminent Israeli historian Benny Morris explodes the myths cherished by both sides to present an epic history of Zionist-Arab relations over the past 120 years.
Tracing the roots of political Zionism back to the pogroms of Russia and the Dreyfus Affair, Morris describes the gradual influx of Jewish settlers into Palestine and the impact they had on the Arab population. Following the Holocaust, the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948 resulted in the establishment of the State of Israel, but it also shattered Palestinian Arab society and gave rise to a massive refugee problem. Morris offers distinctive accounts of each of the subsequent Israeli-Arab wars and details the sporadic peace efforts in between, culminating in the peace process initiated by the Rabin Government. In a new afterword to the Vintage edition, he examines Ehud Baraks leadership, the death of President Assad of Syria, and Israels withdrawa
Tracing the roots of political Zionism back to the pogroms of Russia and the Dreyfus Affair, Morris describes the gradual influx of Jewish settlers into Palestine and the impact they had on the Arab population. Following the Holocaust, the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948 resulted in the establishment of the State of Israel, but it also shattered Palestinian Arab society and gave rise to a massive refugee problem. Morris offers distinctive accounts of each of the subsequent Israeli-Arab wars and details the sporadic peace efforts in between, culminating in the peace process initiated by the Rabin Government. In a new afterword to the Vintage edition, he examines Ehud Baraks leadership, the death of President Assad of Syria, and Israels withdrawa
From the Back Cover
At a time when the Middle East has come closer to achieving peace than ever before, eminent Israeli historian Benny Morris explodes the myths cherished by both sides to present an epic history of Zionist-Arab relations over the past 120 years.
Tracing the roots of political Zionism back to the pogroms of Russia and the Dreyfus Affair, Morris describes the gradual influx of Jewish settlers into Palestine and the impact they had on the Arab population. Following the Holocaust, the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948 resulted in the establishment of the State of Israel, but it also shattered Palestinian Arab society and gave rise to a massive refugee problem. Morris offers distinctive accounts of each of the subsequent Israeli-Arab wars and details the sporadic peace efforts in between, culminating in the peace process initiated by the Rabin Government. In a new afterword to the Vintage edition, he examines Ehud Barak's leadership, the death of President Assad of Syria, and Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon, and the recent renewed conflict with the Palestinians. Studded with illuminating portraits of the major protagonists, Righteous Victims" provides an authoritative record of the middle east and its continuing struggle toward peace.
Tracing the roots of political Zionism back to the pogroms of Russia and the Dreyfus Affair, Morris describes the gradual influx of Jewish settlers into Palestine and the impact they had on the Arab population. Following the Holocaust, the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948 resulted in the establishment of the State of Israel, but it also shattered Palestinian Arab society and gave rise to a massive refugee problem. Morris offers distinctive accounts of each of the subsequent Israeli-Arab wars and details the sporadic peace efforts in between, culminating in the peace process initiated by the Rabin Government. In a new afterword to the Vintage edition, he examines Ehud Barak's leadership, the death of President Assad of Syria, and Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon, and the recent renewed conflict with the Palestinians. Studded with illuminating portraits of the major protagonists, Righteous Victims" provides an authoritative record of the middle east and its continuing struggle toward peace.
About the Author
Benny Morris is a Professor of History at Ben-Gurion University in Beersheeba, Israel.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
The Land and the People
"Of all the lands there are for dismal scenery, I think Palestine must be the prince. The hills are barren. . . . The valleys are unsightly deserts fringed with a feeble vegetation that has an expression about it of being sorrowful and despondent. . . . It is a hopeless, dreary, heartbroken land. . . . Palestine sits in sackcloth and ashes. . . . Over it broods the spell of a curse that has withered its fields and fettered its energies. . . . Nazareth is forlorn; . . . Jericho . . . accursed . . . Jerusalem . . . a pauper village. . . . Palestine is desolate and unlovely."
So wrote Mark Twain in 1867. He may have been indulging in hyperbole, but then neither was Palestine, in the mid-nineteenth century, the "land of milk and honey" promised in the Bible.
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As it is today, the Holy Land -- Eretz Yisrael or the Land of Israel for the Jews, Falastin or Palestine for the Arabs -- was defined during the years of British rule (1918 - 48) as the area bounded in the north by a range of hills just south of the Litani River in Lebanon; in the east by the Jordan River, the Dead Sea, and the Arava Valley (Wadi Araba); in the west by the Mediterranean Sea and the Sinai Peninsula; and in the south by the Gulf of Eilat (or Gulf of Aqaba). In all, it consists of about 26,320 square kilometers (10,162 square miles), an area roughly the size of New Jersey.
Of this landmass, about 50 - 60 percent, the Negev and the Araba, is a wilderness sprinkled with a handful of oases but largely uninhabitable and uncultivable, as is the area called the Judean Desert, between the hilly spine of Judea -- running from Ramallah through Jerusalem to Hebron -- and the Jordan River.
Palestine is a dry land, with only one small river -- the Jordan -- which in fact is not inside Palestine but rather demarcates the borders between Palestine and Syria and, farther south, Palestine and Jordan. Otherwise there are only two small streams with perennial water. Most streams run only in winter and are dry beds for the rest of the year. Natural springs and wells dot the northern half of the country; in the south they are relatively rare. The naturally habitable north has rainfall between October and April each year; the remaining months are dry, with summer temperatures reaching 30 - 35 degrees Celsius. The Negev has virtually no rain, and temperatures at its southern end reach 40 - 45 degrees Celsius in summer.
The population has tended to concentrate, in both ancient and modern times, in the hilly central areas of Judea, Samaria, and Galilee, and in the fertile coastal plain and the west-east valley that branches out from it between Haifa and the Jordan River, known as the Jezreel Valley or the Plain of Esdraelon. A further fertile area is the northern Jordan Valley running, from south to north, from Beit Sh'an (Beisan) to the Sea of Galilee and its surrounding lowland, to Lake Huleh and then to the Jordan's sources, in the foothills of Mount Hermon.
In ancient times, it is estimated, Palestine contained between 750,000 and 6 million inhabitants, with most scholars giving the figure 2.5 million for about 50 a.d. During the second millennium b.c. it was inhabited by a collection of pagan tribes or peoples -- Canaanites, Jebusites, and others -- who jostled for control of this or that area. Toward the end of the millennium the Hebrews, or Jews, invaded and settled the land, and for most of the next millennium constituted the majority of the population and governed the bulk of the country. The core of the Jewish state (at one point there were two Jewish kingdoms) was the hill country of Judea, Samaria, and Galilee. Through most of the period there was a minority population of Philistines, and later, Hellenistic and Romanized pagans concentrated in the coastal plain, in such towns as Caesarea, Jaffa, Ashkelon, and Gaza. The chapter of Jewish sovereignty ended when the Romans invaded and then put down two revolts, in a.d. 66 - 73 and 132 - 35, and exiled much of the Jewish population. After successive invasions and counterinvasions by Persians, Arabs, Turks, Crusaders, Mongols, Mamelukes, and (again) Turks, the country -- at the beginning of the nineteenth century, under imperial Ottoman rule -- had a population of about 275,000 to 300,000 people, of whom 90 percent were Muslim Arabs, 7,000 to 10,000 Jews, and 20,000 to 30,000 Christian Arabs. By 1881, on the eve of the start of the Zionist Jewish influx, Palestine's population was 457,000 -- about 400,000 of them Muslims, 13,000 - 20,000 Jews, and 42,000 Christians (mostly Greek Orthodox). In addition, there were several thousand more Jews who were permanent residents of Palestine but not Ottoman citizens.
The small pre-Zionist Jewish population of Palestine -- usually referred to collectively as the Old Yishuv (literally, the "old settlement") -- was largely poor. Many if not most lived on charity from their coreligionists abroad. Both Ashkenazim (Jews of European origin) and Sephardim (Jews of Spanish, North African, and Middle Eastern extraction) were almost exclusively Orthodox and were concentrated, in separate areas, in Judaism's four "holy" towns: Jerusalem, Hebron, Safad, and Tiberias. Most were Ottoman subjects, extremely submissive toward the Turkish authorities and deferential toward the large Muslim communities among which they lived. Many spent their days learning Talmud and Torah; a few were merchants and shopkeepers; more were petty craftsmen. All in all, they were a numerically insignificant minority.
The overwhelming majority of the population was Arab, about 70 percent rural. These were dispersed in seven to eight hundred hamlets and villages ranging in size from fewer than one hundred to nearly one thousand inhabitants. Most of the villages were in the hill country, their location dictated by access to springs or wells and defensive requirements like hilltops or cliffs. Many had been established by invading Bedouin who turned sedentary. The coastal plain and the Jezreel and Jordan valleys were relatively empty, both because of the dangers posed by marauding Bedouin bands and because their swamps presented health hazards and were difficult to cultivate.
Many of the villages fought a continual if low-key battle against the Bedouin, who periodically sortied into the settled areas of Palestine from the desert east of the Jordan, from the Negev, and from the Sinai. There were also protracted land and water disputes between villages and sometimes between clans within villages. These feuds, and rivalries between leading urban families and between various towns, such as Jerusalem and Hebron, were to serve as continuous elements of division and weakness in Palestinian Arab society.
Agriculture was primitive, with little irrigation. During the first half of the nineteenth century, land was usually owned by the villagers privately or collectively. The second half of the century saw the growing impoverishment of the villagers, in large part owing to more efficient Ottoman taxation, and a great deal of rural land was bought up by urban notable families (in Arabic, a'yan ), who had accumulated their new wealth as Ottoman agents, especially in tax collection, and through commerce with the West. By the early twentieth century, villagers in dozens of localities no longer owned their land but continued to cultivate it as tenant farmers.
Almost all the large landowners (effendis) were urban notables, some of them living outside Palestine, many in Beirut, Amman, Damascus, and Paris. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, Zionist land purchases from effendis contributed to the roster of dispossessed villagers. The second half of the century witnessed the rapid growth of citrus cultivation, mainly in the humid coastal plain, the produce destined for highly profitable export to Europe. Land became a more attractive investment, and the concomitant price rises led to further sales by impoverished fellahin.
By 1881 a third of Palestine's population was urban -- up from only 22 percent in 1800. Most of the Jews and Christians lived in the towns, making their relative weight there decidedly greater than in the country as a whole. By 1880 Jerusalem's population numbered 30,000, of whom about half were Jews; Gaza's population was 19,000, Jaffa's 10,000, and Haifa's 6,000. The notables in the towns were nurtured by the Ottoman Empire, which gave them various local positions and tax-collecting functions, and by the British authorities after 1917 - 18. The elite families -- the Khalidis, Husseinis, and Nashashibis in Jerusalem; the Ja'bris and Tamimis of Hebron; the Nabulsis, Masris, and Shak'as of Nablus, and others -- supplied municipal officials, judges, police officers, religious officials, and civil servants. Inevitably, given their wealth, power, and influence with the imperial authorities, the a'yan emerged as the Palestinian Arabs' local and eventually "national" leadership. A vast gulf -- based on disparities in educational level and social, economic, and political position -- separated the a'yan from the largely illiterate masses.
The second half of the nineteenth century saw a gradual modernization of the country, accompanying the growing urbanization. While most villages and towns were connected by footpaths rather than paved roads, and people and goods still moved on foot or by horse, camel, or mule rather than in wheeled vehicles, a carriage-road, the first in Palestine, was constructed in 1869 between Jaffa and Jerusalem. The first railroad was laid down in 1892 (also between these two towns), and a second railroad, connecting Haifa and Deraa, running through the Jezreel Valley, was constructed in 1903 - 05.
The century also witnessed a steady increase in literacy. It is estimated that around 1800 only 3 percent of the non-Jewish inhabitants of Palestine were literate (mostly elder sons of the a'yan). As the century progressed, an education "system" emerged, mostly owing to the penetration of European missionaries rather than to Ottoman or local Arab initiative.
During the first half of the nineteenth century, lighting was provided by candles and the burning of olive oil. In the 1860s, naphtha was introduced, and generator-produced electricity reached Palestine during the first decade of the twentieth century. Through the nineteenth century the population was plagued by diseases such as malaria, trachoma, dysentery, cholera, and typhoid fever. Water supplies were inadequate and frequently impure. But the first pharmacy opened its doors in 1842; and the first European hospital, in Jerusalem, in 1843. By the end of the century, there were fifteen hospitals in the town, making it the center of European medicine in Palestine and beyond.
The Turkish Administration
The Ottoman Empire, which ruled Palestine from 1517 to 1917 - 18, was aware of the land's importance as the cradle of Judaism and Christianity but never made it a separate, distinct administrative district. In the 1870s Palestine was part of the province (vilayet) of Syria, which was ruled by a governor (wali) stationed in Damascus. The province was subdivided into districts (sanjaks), three of them in Palestine: Acre, including Haifa, the area of today's Hadera, the Jezreel and Jordan Valleys, the Sea of Galilee, Safad, and Tiberias; Nablus, including Beisan, Jenin, and Qalqilya; and Jerusalem, which included Jericho, Jaffa, Gaza, Beersheba, Hebron, and Bethlehem. The sanjaks in turn were divided into subdistricts, administered by local governors called kaymakams.
In 1887 the sanjak of Jerusalem became an independent mutasarriflik (subgovernorate) answerable directly to Constantinople rather than to Damascus. The following year, the rest of Palestine -- the sanjaks of Nablus and Acre -- were separated from the vilayet of Sam (Syria) and became the responsibility of a newly created vilayet of Beirut. The new entity, which consisted of the area of much of present-day Lebanon, thus also controlled the northern half of Palestine.
During a decade of Egyptian rule in Palestine (1831 - 40), the authorities had managed to impose more or less centralized government. The powerful Egyptian army, led by Ibrahim 'Ali, brushed aside most of the local magnates who had managed to carve out de facto fiefdoms in different areas of the country. They also staved off the Bedouin incursions from the eastern and southern deserts that had done so much to keep Palestine insecure and poor.
On their return, the Turks instituted a wide range of reforms (tanzimat) -- economic, administrative, legal, military, and political -- but with mixed results. The new, more efficient and centralized taxation resulted in massive impoverishment of the rural population, which in turn led to the steady depopulation of villages and an influx into the towns. Efforts to conscript villagers into the Turkish army, a return of brigandage on the roads, and renewed Bedouin incursions -- all had the same effect. The village rulers, or sheikhs, who before the Egyptian conquest had had considerable authority, lost much of it as their role as tax collectors for the central government passed into the hands of Ottoman officials and urban notables.
At the same time economic conditions as well as law and order in the towns vastly improved. Trade with the West picked up. The urban notables became wealthier and acquired more land. Turkish reforms of local government, both in Palestine and Syria, including the appointment of town councils, also resulted in increasing the power of the a'yan and religious leaders (the ulema) at the expense of Ottoman governors and subgovernors. These reforms proved to be milestones on the road to the emergence of centrifugal Arab "nationalisms." In other ways, too, the tanzimat -- which aimed at centralization and unity -- contributed to disunity in the Arab provinces of the empire. The impoverishment of the countryside and the growing prosperity of the towns drove a wedge between townspeople and the fellahin, or peasantry. And the Sublime Porte's firmans (decrees) of 1839 and, more decisively, of 1856 -- equalizing the status of Muslim and non-Muslim subjects -- resulted in short order in the dramatic alienation of Muslims from Christians. The former resented the implied loss of superiority and recurrently assaulted and massacred Christian communities -- in Aleppo in 1850, in Nablus in 1856, and in Damascus and Lebanon in 1860. Among the long-term consequences of these bitter internecine conflicts were the emergence of a Christian-dominated Lebanon in the 1920s - 40s and the deep fissure between Christian and Muslim Palestinian Arabs as they confronted the Zionist influx after World War I.
Product details
- Publisher : Vintage; Reprint edition (August 1, 2001)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 800 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0679744754
- ISBN-13 : 978-0679744757
- Item Weight : 1.4 pounds
- Dimensions : 5.2 x 1.7 x 7.98 inches
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Best Sellers Rank:
#256,744 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #105 in Turkey History (Books)
- #133 in Middle Eastern History (Books)
- #270 in History of Judaism
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Reviewed in the United States on December 3, 2017
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This is a hard book to read. Each page is packed with detailed information. It took me 2 tries to get through it. The book gives you the harsh truth about the history of the region. Its bound to upset people on both sides of the issues.
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5.0 out of 5 stars
Quite literally one of the best pieces of literature on the conflict and history available ...
Reviewed in the United States on March 22, 2016Verified Purchase
Quite literally one of the best pieces of literature on the conflict and history available worldwide. It is lengthy, no doubt, but this is because it synthesizes scores of documents and accounts, worthwhile quotes and descriptions all in one tome. Very useful asset to anyone independently researching, or for any professors teaching on the subject. Morris certainly tilts his head equitably towards both sides, as well, and there is no prevalent bias to be found in his academic work. Great author, really.
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Reviewed in the United States on October 17, 2014
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I was a stronger supporter of the Jewish state, for many obvious reasons. However, having an understanding of the political, social and ethnic complexities gives me pause. Having read Morris, I feel like I have a detailed understanding of the awkward history of Israel and the challenges faced in the region. It's a must read for those whom wish to get beyond the bumper sticker statements for and against Israel.
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Reviewed in the United States on June 21, 2019
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This is a good book. It is also a hard read if you don't already have an understanding of the culture and it's long storied politics and social issues in the area. I am not sure this book will have you choosing a side but I think it will help you understand a certain perspective of one side of the conflict.
Reviewed in the United States on September 15, 2011
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Any book that makes both Jews and Palestinians uncomfortable is probably on to something. I believe that Morris has done his absolute best to present the facts with as little bias as is humanly possible. If you're looking for a book with a totally pro-Israel bias or a totally pro-Palestinine bias, then this isn't the book for you. If you want to get some reasonable sense of history, then this is your book. Caution: This book is not an easy read. There are so many dates, times, names, places, etc., etc., that it's easy to get bogged down while reading this book.
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Reviewed in the United States on May 22, 2013
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Yes, a must read for anyone wanting to make his mind in the Middle East conflict on the basis of fact. I'm Israeli: Morris' argument needs to be heard by Israelis AS WELL as by Palestinians. The conflict will never be understood until both sides come to understand the opposite perspective.
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Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881-1998 Kindle eBook edition by Benny Morris
Reviewed in the United States on April 17, 2015Verified Purchase
Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881-1998, Kindle Edition by Benny Morris, is a controversial book on the history and conflict the Israeli people have faced in modern times. This writing is based largely on secondary works and gives a concise study of research covered and here Morris writes a history of this subject, based mainly on primary sources. It is, I suspect, beyond the abilities of a single scholar to include both sides of this dilemma. The author also depicts the events of the 1930s thru the Lebanon War, which is accounted for with primary sources. There is simply too much information - too many archives and documents as shown in parts of the book concerned with the 1948 war and it's consequences. The author is a professor of history and is a key member of the group of Israeli historians known as the New Historians, a term he coined to describe himself, Avi Shlaim and Ilan Pappé. Morris's depiction of an ever ongoing regional and international political accounting, which provides empathic support of the Zionist people now wielding extreme influence over the Arab Palestinian population in Israel, the West Bank and Gaza. This book depicts a people who were suppressed for centuries in Europe and protrays a one sided view, which many will disagree. Israeli security is ever an issue with each passing year and the author has depicted a cornered people who will never overcome their past.
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Reviewed in the United States on June 30, 2008
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An excellent, detailed history. After reading this book of 700 pages, I have compared it to Dershowitz, Finkelstein, Neumann and others, and have perceived this detailed account to be rather objective in this revisionist history in both sides of the issues where the conflict exists today. I found this book very helpful in understanding the early pre-state intentions and the 1948, 1967, attrition and 1973 wars. It would be hard to simply follow the status quo and deny the deplorable conditions of the Palestinians and Israeli treatment in human rights, economic, social and cultural controls, which includes the occupied territories, new settlements, appropriations of water and resources with its determined discriminations.
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Il Principe Brutto
4.0 out of 5 stars
what is it like to read
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on October 3, 2016Verified Purchase
I think judgment on this book has to be split in two; what is it like to read, and what it says.
On the first count, this book is not easy. It's very long, it's very detailed, and there are not many huge surprises in the plot, because everyone already knows the end of the story. And it's definitely a book that needs to be read sequentially, from the front cover on; although it's divided in chapters, the material in each of them is so intimately linked with the content of the previous pages that reading piecemeal is going to be very hard. The font is small, and there only a handful of not very detailed maps, which is quite frustrating, especially when reading about military battles.
To give a comparison, Schneer's book on the Balfour Declaration felt easier work (although not by much).
What keeps the reader awake is the way details, characters and actions mesh into each other, how facts decades old keep re-emerging to shape later actions.
Overall, it's a book that requires commitment, but rewards with a veritable panoply of facts and data.
Which takes us neatly on the second part of the judgment: how accurate and unbiased are the facts and data presented in the book? Clearly, I have no way of knowing for sure, I cannot check every fact and document quoted. My overall impression though is that the book is as fair, and as unbiased, as the sources used in it permitted. This comes from the fact that, throughout the book, the overall impression is that one of the two sides carries greater responsibility (greater, not total) for the developments that took place in Palestine since the middle of the XIX century, and the author never seems to hide or mollify the facts that drive that impression. In a sense, Morris is presenting facts that put more blame on his own side (that's my impression anyway); he never points his finger of course, but he leaves his material there, and it's material that overall shifts the balance of blame more on one side than the other. I think this is enough to deem the author's effort as honest.
Editing issues, lack of maps, and a times overly stodgy style stop me from giving five stars (clearly, I am not giving any star judgment on the actual content).
On the first count, this book is not easy. It's very long, it's very detailed, and there are not many huge surprises in the plot, because everyone already knows the end of the story. And it's definitely a book that needs to be read sequentially, from the front cover on; although it's divided in chapters, the material in each of them is so intimately linked with the content of the previous pages that reading piecemeal is going to be very hard. The font is small, and there only a handful of not very detailed maps, which is quite frustrating, especially when reading about military battles.
To give a comparison, Schneer's book on the Balfour Declaration felt easier work (although not by much).
What keeps the reader awake is the way details, characters and actions mesh into each other, how facts decades old keep re-emerging to shape later actions.
Overall, it's a book that requires commitment, but rewards with a veritable panoply of facts and data.
Which takes us neatly on the second part of the judgment: how accurate and unbiased are the facts and data presented in the book? Clearly, I have no way of knowing for sure, I cannot check every fact and document quoted. My overall impression though is that the book is as fair, and as unbiased, as the sources used in it permitted. This comes from the fact that, throughout the book, the overall impression is that one of the two sides carries greater responsibility (greater, not total) for the developments that took place in Palestine since the middle of the XIX century, and the author never seems to hide or mollify the facts that drive that impression. In a sense, Morris is presenting facts that put more blame on his own side (that's my impression anyway); he never points his finger of course, but he leaves his material there, and it's material that overall shifts the balance of blame more on one side than the other. I think this is enough to deem the author's effort as honest.
Editing issues, lack of maps, and a times overly stodgy style stop me from giving five stars (clearly, I am not giving any star judgment on the actual content).
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Leslie
4.0 out of 5 stars
Four Stars
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on September 24, 2015Verified Purchase
Excellent view
Luka
5.0 out of 5 stars
Highly recommended
Reviewed in Canada on November 16, 2017Verified Purchase
Very good read. It is a lengthy and highly detailed account of a complex history. Of course, given the availability of sources and archives, there is more information on the Zionist perspective. But overall it is as well balanced as can be, given the circumstances.
This is a well researched academic resource for those begining to learn about the conflict and those who have been learning about if got years. Highly recommended.
This is a well researched academic resource for those begining to learn about the conflict and those who have been learning about if got years. Highly recommended.
Kindle-klant
5.0 out of 5 stars
Mooi overzicht van de geschiedenis van Israël
Reviewed in the Netherlands on June 20, 2019Verified Purchase
Na een uitvoerige inleiding (20% van het boek) met de voorgeschiedenis een overzicht van alle oorlogen en vredesinitiatieven tussen Israël, de Palestijnen en de andere Arabische buren. Zoals Morris steeds schrijft: Best wel kritisch op Israël maar altijd op basis van feiten. Ondanks begrip voor de Palestijnse kant spaart Morris hen ook zeker niet, en al helemaal niet als het gaat over de gemiste kansen om vrede te bereiken.
AmazonUser
5.0 out of 5 stars
Great & objective book, must have for those interested in the origin of the Middle East conflict
Reviewed in Germany on November 20, 2012Verified Purchase
This book, written by Benny Morris, a well known Israeli Professor of History, is a must have for everyone interested in that topic. Digging deep into the Israeli archives, he uncovers the history of Israel with all it's ups & downs. He is not afraid of telling the truth but never takes sides.
Praised by the New York Times, The Washington Post, Financial Times and many more, this is arguably the most comprehensive and objective book every written on the history of the Middle East conflict. If you are interested in this topic or even studying in that field, you won't be able to ignore it.
Praised by the New York Times, The Washington Post, Financial Times and many more, this is arguably the most comprehensive and objective book every written on the history of the Middle East conflict. If you are interested in this topic or even studying in that field, you won't be able to ignore it.
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