Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881-2001
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Detalles del libro
- Número de páginas800 páginas
- IdiomaInglés
- EditorialVintage
- Fecha de publicación1 Agosto 2001
- Dimensiones5.16 x 1.78 x 7.92 pulgadas
- ISBN-100679744754
- ISBN-13978-0679744757
A New York Times Notable Book
At a time when the Middle East has come closer to achieving peace than ever before, eminent Israeli historian Benny Morris explodes the myths cherished by both sides to present an epic history of Zionist-Arab relations over the past 120 years.
Tracing the roots of political Zionism back to the pogroms of Russia and the Dreyfus Affair, Morris describes the gradual influx of Jewish settlers into Palestine and the impact they had on the Arab population. Following the Holocaust, the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948 resulted in the establishment of the State of Israel, but it also shattered Palestinian Arab society and gave rise to a massive refugee problem. Morris offers distinctive accounts of each of the subsequent Israeli-Arab wars and details the sporadic peace efforts in between, culminating in the peace process initiated by the Rabin Government. In a new afterword to the Vintage edition, he examines Ehud Barak’s leadership, the death of President Assad of Syria, and Israel’s withdrawal from Lebanon, and the recent renewed conflict with the Palestinians. Studded with illuminating portraits of the major protagonists, Righteous Victimsprovides an authoritative record of the middle east and its continuing struggle toward peace.
At a time when the Middle East has come closer to achieving peace than ever before, eminent Israeli historian Benny Morris explodes the myths cherished by both sides to present an epic history of Zionist-Arab relations over the past 120 years.
Tracing the roots of political Zionism back to the pogroms of Russia and the Dreyfus Affair, Morris describes the gradual influx of Jewish settlers into Palestine and the impact they had on the Arab population. Following the Holocaust, the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948 resulted in the establishment of the State of Israel, but it also shattered Palestinian Arab society and gave rise to a massive refugee problem. Morris offers distinctive accounts of each of the subsequent Israeli-Arab wars and details the sporadic peace efforts in between, culminating in the peace process initiated by the Rabin Government. In a new afterword to the Vintage edition, he examines Ehud Barak’s leadership, the death of President Assad of Syria, and Israel’s withdrawal from Lebanon, and the recent renewed conflict with the Palestinians. Studded with illuminating portraits of the major protagonists, Righteous Victimsprovides an authoritative record of the middle east and its continuing struggle toward peace.
Críticas
“The most sophisticated and nuanced account of the Zionist-Arab conflict.”–The New York Times Book Review
“A very rich account.... Defies sweeping generalizations about the conflict and facile attribution of moral responsibility to any one side.”–Foreign Affairs
“A very rich account.... Defies sweeping generalizations about the conflict and facile attribution of moral responsibility to any one side.”–Foreign Affairs
Nota de la solapa
en the Middle East has come closer to achieving peace than ever before, eminent Israeli historian Benny Morris explodes the myths cherished by both sides to present an epic history of Zionist-Arab relations over the past 120 years.
Tracing the roots of political Zionism back to the pogroms of Russia and the Dreyfus Affair, Morris describes the gradual influx of Jewish settlers into Palestine and the impact they had on the Arab population. Following the Holocaust, the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948 resulted in the establishment of the State of Israel, but it also shattered Palestinian Arab society and gave rise to a massive refugee problem. Morris offers distinctive accounts of each of the subsequent Israeli-Arab wars and details the sporadic peace efforts in between, culminating in the peace process initiated by the Rabin Government. In a new afterword to the Vintage edition, he examines Ehud Barak s leadership, the death of President Assad of Syria, and Israel s withdrawa
Tracing the roots of political Zionism back to the pogroms of Russia and the Dreyfus Affair, Morris describes the gradual influx of Jewish settlers into Palestine and the impact they had on the Arab population. Following the Holocaust, the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948 resulted in the establishment of the State of Israel, but it also shattered Palestinian Arab society and gave rise to a massive refugee problem. Morris offers distinctive accounts of each of the subsequent Israeli-Arab wars and details the sporadic peace efforts in between, culminating in the peace process initiated by the Rabin Government. In a new afterword to the Vintage edition, he examines Ehud Barak s leadership, the death of President Assad of Syria, and Israel s withdrawa
Contraportada
At a time when the Middle East has come closer to achieving peace than ever before, eminent Israeli historian Benny Morris explodes the myths cherished by both sides to present an epic history of Zionist-Arab relations over the past 120 years.
Tracing the roots of political Zionism back to the pogroms of Russia and the Dreyfus Affair, Morris describes the gradual influx of Jewish settlers into Palestine and the impact they had on the Arab population. Following the Holocaust, the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948 resulted in the establishment of the State of Israel, but it also shattered Palestinian Arab society and gave rise to a massive refugee problem. Morris offers distinctive accounts of each of the subsequent Israeli-Arab wars and details the sporadic peace efforts in between, culminating in the peace process initiated by the Rabin Government. In a new afterword to the Vintage edition, he examines Ehud Barak's leadership, the death of President Assad of Syria, and Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon, and the recent renewed conflict with the Palestinians. Studded with illuminating portraits of the major protagonists, Righteous Victims" provides an authoritative record of the middle east and its continuing struggle toward peace.
Tracing the roots of political Zionism back to the pogroms of Russia and the Dreyfus Affair, Morris describes the gradual influx of Jewish settlers into Palestine and the impact they had on the Arab population. Following the Holocaust, the first Arab-Israeli war of 1948 resulted in the establishment of the State of Israel, but it also shattered Palestinian Arab society and gave rise to a massive refugee problem. Morris offers distinctive accounts of each of the subsequent Israeli-Arab wars and details the sporadic peace efforts in between, culminating in the peace process initiated by the Rabin Government. In a new afterword to the Vintage edition, he examines Ehud Barak's leadership, the death of President Assad of Syria, and Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon, and the recent renewed conflict with the Palestinians. Studded with illuminating portraits of the major protagonists, Righteous Victims" provides an authoritative record of the middle east and its continuing struggle toward peace.
Biografía del autor
Benny Morris is a Professor of History at Ben-Gurion University in Beersheeba, Israel.
Extracto. © Reimpreso con autorización. Reservados todos los derechos.
The Land and the People
"Of all the lands there are for dismal scenery, I think Palestine must be the prince. The hills are barren. . . . The valleys are unsightly deserts fringed with a feeble vegetation that has an expression about it of being sorrowful and despondent. . . . It is a hopeless, dreary, heartbroken land. . . . Palestine sits in sackcloth and ashes. . . . Over it broods the spell of a curse that has withered its fields and fettered its energies. . . . Nazareth is forlorn; . . . Jericho . . . accursed . . . Jerusalem . . . a pauper village. . . . Palestine is desolate and unlovely."
So wrote Mark Twain in 1867. He may have been indulging in hyperbole, but then neither was Palestine, in the mid-nineteenth century, the "land of milk and honey" promised in the Bible.
????????
As it is today, the Holy Land -- Eretz Yisrael or the Land of Israel for the Jews, Falastin or Palestine for the Arabs -- was defined during the years of British rule (1918 - 48) as the area bounded in the north by a range of hills just south of the Litani River in Lebanon; in the east by the Jordan River, the Dead Sea, and the Arava Valley (Wadi Araba); in the west by the Mediterranean Sea and the Sinai Peninsula; and in the south by the Gulf of Eilat (or Gulf of Aqaba). In all, it consists of about 26,320 square kilometers (10,162 square miles), an area roughly the size of New Jersey.
Of this landmass, about 50 - 60 percent, the Negev and the Araba, is a wilderness sprinkled with a handful of oases but largely uninhabitable and uncultivable, as is the area called the Judean Desert, between the hilly spine of Judea -- running from Ramallah through Jerusalem to Hebron -- and the Jordan River.
Palestine is a dry land, with only one small river -- the Jordan -- which in fact is not inside Palestine but rather demarcates the borders between Palestine and Syria and, farther south, Palestine and Jordan. Otherwise there are only two small streams with perennial water. Most streams run only in winter and are dry beds for the rest of the year. Natural springs and wells dot the northern half of the country; in the south they are relatively rare. The naturally habitable north has rainfall between October and April each year; the remaining months are dry, with summer temperatures reaching 30 - 35 degrees Celsius. The Negev has virtually no rain, and temperatures at its southern end reach 40 - 45 degrees Celsius in summer.
The population has tended to concentrate, in both ancient and modern times, in the hilly central areas of Judea, Samaria, and Galilee, and in the fertile coastal plain and the west-east valley that branches out from it between Haifa and the Jordan River, known as the Jezreel Valley or the Plain of Esdraelon. A further fertile area is the northern Jordan Valley running, from south to north, from Beit Sh'an (Beisan) to the Sea of Galilee and its surrounding lowland, to Lake Huleh and then to the Jordan's sources, in the foothills of Mount Hermon.
In ancient times, it is estimated, Palestine contained between 750,000 and 6 million inhabitants, with most scholars giving the figure 2.5 million for about 50 a.d. During the second millennium b.c. it was inhabited by a collection of pagan tribes or peoples -- Canaanites, Jebusites, and others -- who jostled for control of this or that area. Toward the end of the millennium the Hebrews, or Jews, invaded and settled the land, and for most of the next millennium constituted the majority of the population and governed the bulk of the country. The core of the Jewish state (at one point there were two Jewish kingdoms) was the hill country of Judea, Samaria, and Galilee. Through most of the period there was a minority population of Philistines, and later, Hellenistic and Romanized pagans concentrated in the coastal plain, in such towns as Caesarea, Jaffa, Ashkelon, and Gaza. The chapter of Jewish sovereignty ended when the Romans invaded and then put down two revolts, in a.d. 66 - 73 and 132 - 35, and exiled much of the Jewish population. After successive invasions and counterinvasions by Persians, Arabs, Turks, Crusaders, Mongols, Mamelukes, and (again) Turks, the country -- at the beginning of the nineteenth century, under imperial Ottoman rule -- had a population of about 275,000 to 300,000 people, of whom 90 percent were Muslim Arabs, 7,000 to 10,000 Jews, and 20,000 to 30,000 Christian Arabs. By 1881, on the eve of the start of the Zionist Jewish influx, Palestine's population was 457,000 -- about 400,000 of them Muslims, 13,000 - 20,000 Jews, and 42,000 Christians (mostly Greek Orthodox). In addition, there were several thousand more Jews who were permanent residents of Palestine but not Ottoman citizens.
The small pre-Zionist Jewish population of Palestine -- usually referred to collectively as the Old Yishuv (literally, the "old settlement") -- was largely poor. Many if not most lived on charity from their coreligionists abroad. Both Ashkenazim (Jews of European origin) and Sephardim (Jews of Spanish, North African, and Middle Eastern extraction) were almost exclusively Orthodox and were concentrated, in separate areas, in Judaism's four "holy" towns: Jerusalem, Hebron, Safad, and Tiberias. Most were Ottoman subjects, extremely submissive toward the Turkish authorities and deferential toward the large Muslim communities among which they lived. Many spent their days learning Talmud and Torah; a few were merchants and shopkeepers; more were petty craftsmen. All in all, they were a numerically insignificant minority.
The overwhelming majority of the population was Arab, about 70 percent rural. These were dispersed in seven to eight hundred hamlets and villages ranging in size from fewer than one hundred to nearly one thousand inhabitants. Most of the villages were in the hill country, their location dictated by access to springs or wells and defensive requirements like hilltops or cliffs. Many had been established by invading Bedouin who turned sedentary. The coastal plain and the Jezreel and Jordan valleys were relatively empty, both because of the dangers posed by marauding Bedouin bands and because their swamps presented health hazards and were difficult to cultivate.
Many of the villages fought a continual if low-key battle against the Bedouin, who periodically sortied into the settled areas of Palestine from the desert east of the Jordan, from the Negev, and from the Sinai. There were also protracted land and water disputes between villages and sometimes between clans within villages. These feuds, and rivalries between leading urban families and between various towns, such as Jerusalem and Hebron, were to serve as continuous elements of division and weakness in Palestinian Arab society.
Agriculture was primitive, with little irrigation. During the first half of the nineteenth century, land was usually owned by the villagers privately or collectively. The second half of the century saw the growing impoverishment of the villagers, in large part owing to more efficient Ottoman taxation, and a great deal of rural land was bought up by urban notable families (in Arabic, a'yan ), who had accumulated their new wealth as Ottoman agents, especially in tax collection, and through commerce with the West. By the early twentieth century, villagers in dozens of localities no longer owned their land but continued to cultivate it as tenant farmers.
Almost all the large landowners (effendis) were urban notables, some of them living outside Palestine, many in Beirut, Amman, Damascus, and Paris. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, Zionist land purchases from effendis contributed to the roster of dispossessed villagers. The second half of the century witnessed the rapid growth of citrus cultivation, mainly in the humid coastal plain, the produce destined for highly profitable export to Europe. Land became a more attractive investment, and the concomitant price rises led to further sales by impoverished fellahin.
By 1881 a third of Palestine's population was urban -- up from only 22 percent in 1800. Most of the Jews and Christians lived in the towns, making their relative weight there decidedly greater than in the country as a whole. By 1880 Jerusalem's population numbered 30,000, of whom about half were Jews; Gaza's population was 19,000, Jaffa's 10,000, and Haifa's 6,000. The notables in the towns were nurtured by the Ottoman Empire, which gave them various local positions and tax-collecting functions, and by the British authorities after 1917 - 18. The elite families -- the Khalidis, Husseinis, and Nashashibis in Jerusalem; the Ja'bris and Tamimis of Hebron; the Nabulsis, Masris, and Shak'as of Nablus, and others -- supplied municipal officials, judges, police officers, religious officials, and civil servants. Inevitably, given their wealth, power, and influence with the imperial authorities, the a'yan emerged as the Palestinian Arabs' local and eventually "national" leadership. A vast gulf -- based on disparities in educational level and social, economic, and political position -- separated the a'yan from the largely illiterate masses.
The second half of the nineteenth century saw a gradual modernization of the country, accompanying the growing urbanization. While most villages and towns were connected by footpaths rather than paved roads, and people and goods still moved on foot or by horse, camel, or mule rather than in wheeled vehicles, a carriage-road, the first in Palestine, was constructed in 1869 between Jaffa and Jerusalem. The first railroad was laid down in 1892 (also between these two towns), and a second railroad, connecting Haifa and Deraa, running through the Jezreel Valley, was constructed in 1903 - 05.
The century also witnessed a steady increase in literacy. It is estimated that around 1800 only 3 percent of the non-Jewish inhabitants of Palestine were literate (mostly elder sons of the a'yan). As the century progressed, an education "system" emerged, mostly owing to the penetration of European missionaries rather than to Ottoman or local Arab initiative.
During the first half of the nineteenth century, lighting was provided by candles and the burning of olive oil. In the 1860s, naphtha was introduced, and generator-produced electricity reached Palestine during the first decade of the twentieth century. Through the nineteenth century the population was plagued by diseases such as malaria, trachoma, dysentery, cholera, and typhoid fever. Water supplies were inadequate and frequently impure. But the first pharmacy opened its doors in 1842; and the first European hospital, in Jerusalem, in 1843. By the end of the century, there were fifteen hospitals in the town, making it the center of European medicine in Palestine and beyond.
The Turkish Administration
The Ottoman Empire, which ruled Palestine from 1517 to 1917 - 18, was aware of the land's importance as the cradle of Judaism and Christianity but never made it a separate, distinct administrative district. In the 1870s Palestine was part of the province (vilayet) of Syria, which was ruled by a governor (wali) stationed in Damascus. The province was subdivided into districts (sanjaks), three of them in Palestine: Acre, including Haifa, the area of today's Hadera, the Jezreel and Jordan Valleys, the Sea of Galilee, Safad, and Tiberias; Nablus, including Beisan, Jenin, and Qalqilya; and Jerusalem, which included Jericho, Jaffa, Gaza, Beersheba, Hebron, and Bethlehem. The sanjaks in turn were divided into subdistricts, administered by local governors called kaymakams.
In 1887 the sanjak of Jerusalem became an independent mutasarriflik (subgovernorate) answerable directly to Constantinople rather than to Damascus. The following year, the rest of Palestine -- the sanjaks of Nablus and Acre -- were separated from the vilayet of Sam (Syria) and became the responsibility of a newly created vilayet of Beirut. The new entity, which consisted of the area of much of present-day Lebanon, thus also controlled the northern half of Palestine.
During a decade of Egyptian rule in Palestine (1831 - 40), the authorities had managed to impose more or less centralized government. The powerful Egyptian army, led by Ibrahim 'Ali, brushed aside most of the local magnates who had managed to carve out de facto fiefdoms in different areas of the country. They also staved off the Bedouin incursions from the eastern and southern deserts that had done so much to keep Palestine insecure and poor.
On their return, the Turks instituted a wide range of reforms (tanzimat) -- economic, administrative, legal, military, and political -- but with mixed results. The new, more efficient and centralized taxation resulted in massive impoverishment of the rural population, which in turn led to the steady depopulation of villages and an influx into the towns. Efforts to conscript villagers into the Turkish army, a return of brigandage on the roads, and renewed Bedouin incursions -- all had the same effect. The village rulers, or sheikhs, who before the Egyptian conquest had had considerable authority, lost much of it as their role as tax collectors for the central government passed into the hands of Ottoman officials and urban notables.
At the same time economic conditions as well as law and order in the towns vastly improved. Trade with the West picked up. The urban notables became wealthier and acquired more land. Turkish reforms of local government, both in Palestine and Syria, including the appointment of town councils, also resulted in increasing the power of the a'yan and religious leaders (the ulema) at the expense of Ottoman governors and subgovernors. These reforms proved to be milestones on the road to the emergence of centrifugal Arab "nationalisms." In other ways, too, the tanzimat -- which aimed at centralization and unity -- contributed to disunity in the Arab provinces of the empire. The impoverishment of the countryside and the growing prosperity of the towns drove a wedge between townspeople and the fellahin, or peasantry. And the Sublime Porte's firmans (decrees) of 1839 and, more decisively, of 1856 -- equalizing the status of Muslim and non-Muslim subjects -- resulted in short order in the dramatic alienation of Muslims from Christians. The former resented the implied loss of superiority and recurrently assaulted and massacred Christian communities -- in Aleppo in 1850, in Nablus in 1856, and in Damascus and Lebanon in 1860. Among the long-term consequences of these bitter internecine conflicts were the emergence of a Christian-dominated Lebanon in the 1920s - 40s and the deep fissure between Christian and Muslim Palestinian Arabs as they confronted the Zionist influx after World War I.
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Información de producto
| Editorial | Vintage; Reprint edición (1 Agosto 2001) |
|---|---|
| Idioma | Inglés |
| Tapa blanda | 800 páginas |
| ISBN-10 | 0679744754 |
| ISBN-13 | 978-0679744757 |
| Dimensiones | 5.16 x 1.78 x 7.92 pulgadas |
| Clasificación en los más vendidos de Amazon |
nº45,334 en Libros (Ver el Top 100 en Libros)
nº48 en Política de Medio Oriente
nº57 en Historia de Israel (Libros)
|
| Opinión media de los clientes | 4.6 de 5 estrellas 228Opiniones |
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Opiniones destacadas de los Estados Unidos
- 5.0 de 5 estrellasCompra verificadaThe Most Complete Portrayal of the History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict I've ReadCalificado en Estados Unidos el 1 de octubre de 2024First of all, let me say that the kindle edition is a 2-star mess. It's riddled with typos and formatting errors. It's also "buggy." On multiple occasions, I had to restart my kindle device to get it to unfreeze – nothing wrong with my device, it has only... Ver másFirst of all, let me say that the kindle edition is a 2-star mess. It's riddled with typos and formatting errors. It's also "buggy." On multiple occasions, I had to restart my kindle device to get it to unfreeze – nothing wrong with my device, it has only ever acted up with this particular book.
I didn't want my review to reflect the horrid kindle edition. Rather, I want my review to reflect the book itself. I've read many books on the history of the modern state of Israel, the history of Zionism, the history of the Arab-Israeli Wars, etc. This book, I believe, offers the most complete portrayal of the history of Israel of them all – and from both Israeli and Arab/Palestinian perspectives.
It is neither a Jeremiad against Israel, nor is it a polemic against the Palestinians. It is a fair and balanced account that shows the good and the bad of both sides in this protracted struggle. Even if you have already formed an opinion on who is "right" in this struggle, this is a worthwhile read. I highly recommend it!
First of all, let me say that the kindle edition is a 2-star mess. It's riddled with typos and formatting errors. It's also "buggy." On multiple occasions, I had to restart my kindle device to get it to unfreeze – nothing wrong with my device, it has only ever acted up with this particular book.
I didn't want my review to reflect the horrid kindle edition. Rather, I want my review to reflect the book itself. I've read many books on the history of the modern state of Israel, the history of Zionism, the history of the Arab-Israeli Wars, etc. This book, I believe, offers the most complete portrayal of the history of Israel of them all – and from both Israeli and Arab/Palestinian perspectives.
It is neither a Jeremiad against Israel, nor is it a polemic against the Palestinians. It is a fair and balanced account that shows the good and the bad of both sides in this protracted struggle. Even if you have already formed an opinion on who is "right" in this struggle, this is a worthwhile read. I highly recommend it!
- 5.0 de 5 estrellasCompra verificadaHonest, objective study of last 100 years of Palestine-IsraelCalificado en Estados Unidos el 6 de octubre de 2024Morris' powerful history,is brutally honest about both the good actions and grievous immoral actions of Israelis and Palestinians. The history is never dry like many histories. On the contrary, the pacing flows and is suspenseful. fast moving. Highly recommended.
Morris' powerful history,is brutally honest about both the good actions and grievous immoral actions of Israelis and Palestinians. The history is never dry like many histories. On the contrary, the pacing flows and is suspenseful. fast moving. Highly recommended.
- 4.0 de 5 estrellasCompra verificadaGood content, bad writingCalificado en Estados Unidos el 18 de febrero de 2024Morris is obviously a historian first and an author second. The text is technically fine enough, but could really have done with another editing pass or two.
Morris is obviously a historian first and an author second. The text is technically fine enough, but could really have done with another editing pass or two.
- 5.0 de 5 estrellasCompra verificadaLots of detail; Lots of facts!Calificado en Estados Unidos el 24 de marzo de 2024You will be hard-pressed to find Benny Morris' own views on the conflict in this book, as the entirety of the book deals with the reality of what happened - which is precisely what I wanted. It is an extremely detailed accounting of the history, and has taken me close... Ver másYou will be hard-pressed to find Benny Morris' own views on the conflict in this book, as the entirety of the book deals with the reality of what happened - which is precisely what I wanted. It is an extremely detailed accounting of the history, and has taken me close to a month to thoroughly finish the book - so as long as you have the time and the patience, this book is truly a great buy. You do not need to know much about the conflict at all - everything is spelled out clearly and if you take in everything this book offers, you will be in the top percent of people regarding the conflict.
I must give the book 5 stars. I am extremely impressed, and I am doubtful one can make a less biased, and more factual historical book on the conflict. You will learn from this book, regardless of if you are Pro-Palestinian, Pro-Israeli, or both or neither - there will be things you did not know, and this will help clarify the history.
If you are debating about buying the book, buy it!
You will be hard-pressed to find Benny Morris' own views on the conflict in this book, as the entirety of the book deals with the reality of what happened - which is precisely what I wanted. It is an extremely detailed accounting of the history, and has taken me close to a month to thoroughly finish the book - so as long as you have the time and the patience, this book is truly a great buy. You do not need to know much about the conflict at all - everything is spelled out clearly and if you take in everything this book offers, you will be in the top percent of people regarding the conflict.
I must give the book 5 stars. I am extremely impressed, and I am doubtful one can make a less biased, and more factual historical book on the conflict. You will learn from this book, regardless of if you are Pro-Palestinian, Pro-Israeli, or both or neither - there will be things you did not know, and this will help clarify the history.
If you are debating about buying the book, buy it!
- 5.0 de 5 estrellasCompra verificadaComprehensive history offering a sympathetic view of IsraelCalificado en Estados Unidos el 25 de noviembre de 2001Reading the other reviews here it is hard to believe that we have read the same book. Morris, far from being any sort of anti-Zionist fanatic, is in fact consistently sympathetic with the the Zionist movement. In a book that often reads like an apology for Zionists action,... Ver másReading the other reviews here it is hard to believe that we have read the same book. Morris, far from being any sort of anti-Zionist fanatic, is in fact consistently sympathetic with the the Zionist movement. In a book that often reads like an apology for Zionists action, he demonstrates, without ever saying so outright, how a" democractic secular state" containing both Jews and Palestinians was never an option since from almost the beginning of the Jewish migration to Palestine the Arabs consistently used violence to attempt to expel them. While a significant number of the Arab elite appeared inclined to tolerate the Jewish presence up to the 1930s, they were eventually driven into silence, exile or the grave by the Husseini family and their sympathizers, who only paused in their campaign of violence against Zionist and their colloborators when physically crushed in battle. Morris even goes some way to demonstrate that the mass exodus from Palestinian refugees in the 1947-48 war, far from being the product of a concerted policy of Jewish ethnic cleasing, occurred on a piece meal basis in response to a wide variety of events, and that much of Jewish ethnic cleansing was a necessary military response to Arab tactics of using villages to cut off roads and lauch attacks on Jewish settlements, and from a practical point of view their really was no effective military alternative to simply depopulating certain strategic areas of their Arab population. The book is well worth reading for providing a comprehensive overview of the conflict from the beginning of European Jewish immigration to Palestine in the 19th century to the election of Barak in 1999. If anything, I suspect it of being too sympathetic to the Zionists, from whose perspective it is clearly written. My next book on the subject will be one written from the Palestinian perspective.
Post script:
Benny Morris has now come out and openly proclaimed his lack of sympathy for the Palestinian cause, stating that "Yes, the Palestinians are to blame. And this is true not only because they rejected Ehud Barak's generous offer but also because they are unwilling to come to terms with Israel's existence here. They want to throw [the Jews] into the ocean, and anyone who holds a different opinion is mistaken. These are the words of the Historian". [...] . Perhaps some of those who condemned Morris for his perceived anti-Zionist bias will now recognize that this "revisionist" history is in reality a sophisticated defense of the Jewish state.
Reading the other reviews here it is hard to believe that we have read the same book. Morris, far from being any sort of anti-Zionist fanatic, is in fact consistently sympathetic with the the Zionist movement. In a book that often reads like an apology for Zionists action, he demonstrates, without ever saying so outright, how a" democractic secular state" containing both Jews and Palestinians was never an option since from almost the beginning of the Jewish migration to Palestine the Arabs consistently used violence to attempt to expel them. While a significant number of the Arab elite appeared inclined to tolerate the Jewish presence up to the 1930s, they were eventually driven into silence, exile or the grave by the Husseini family and their sympathizers, who only paused in their campaign of violence against Zionist and their colloborators when physically crushed in battle. Morris even goes some way to demonstrate that the mass exodus from Palestinian refugees in the 1947-48 war, far from being the product of a concerted policy of Jewish ethnic cleasing, occurred on a piece meal basis in response to a wide variety of events, and that much of Jewish ethnic cleansing was a necessary military response to Arab tactics of using villages to cut off roads and lauch attacks on Jewish settlements, and from a practical point of view their really was no effective military alternative to simply depopulating certain strategic areas of their Arab population. The book is well worth reading for providing a comprehensive overview of the conflict from the beginning of European Jewish immigration to Palestine in the 19th century to the election of Barak in 1999. If anything, I suspect it of being too sympathetic to the Zionists, from whose perspective it is clearly written. My next book on the subject will be one written from the Palestinian perspective.
Post script:
Benny Morris has now come out and openly proclaimed his lack of sympathy for the Palestinian cause, stating that "Yes, the Palestinians are to blame. And this is true not only because they rejected Ehud Barak's generous offer but also because they are unwilling to come to terms with Israel's existence here. They want to throw [the Jews] into the ocean, and anyone who holds a different opinion is mistaken. These are the words of the Historian". [...] . Perhaps some of those who condemned Morris for his perceived anti-Zionist bias will now recognize that this "revisionist" history is in reality a sophisticated defense of the Jewish state.
- 5.0 de 5 estrellasCompra verificadaPassionately Objective � Excellent Book!Calificado en Estados Unidos el 14 de diciembre de 2002Reading this book radically changed my perspective on the Middle East and left me much better educated. The copy that was sent to me was sub-titled "1881 - 2001" (rather than 1999), and, although it is usually difficult to manage much interest in events that... Ver másReading this book radically changed my perspective on the Middle East and left me much better educated. The copy that was sent to me was sub-titled "1881 - 2001" (rather than 1999), and, although it is usually difficult to manage much interest in events that happened in the 1800s, they are important and the book gets more engrossing as it goes along until eventually I couldn't put it down.
Nearly every preconception that I had about the Arab-Israeli conflict was challenged. Since I'm not old enough to remember most of the events covered in the first 300 to 400 pages as they happened, my opinions had been formed by simplistic aphorisms. For example I believed that Israel was the victim in every regional conflict and that its occupation of the "territories" occurred extemporaneously. This was not actually the case, as Morris points out.
Overall, the book helped me to better understand current events in the Middle East. My impression is that the present-day conflict is fed by the unwillingness of the Arabs to accept an Israeli State. Some have said that granting Palestinians statehood will resolve the problem - and I do think that this is necessary - but it will not end the Islamic violence. It may, however, provide an incentive for the Palestinian Authority to end its tacit support for terrorism and work instead to combatting the suicidal campaign that has done little more than erode international sympathy and destroy the local economy.
Reading this book radically changed my perspective on the Middle East and left me much better educated. The copy that was sent to me was sub-titled "1881 - 2001" (rather than 1999), and, although it is usually difficult to manage much interest in events that happened in the 1800s, they are important and the book gets more engrossing as it goes along until eventually I couldn't put it down.
Nearly every preconception that I had about the Arab-Israeli conflict was challenged. Since I'm not old enough to remember most of the events covered in the first 300 to 400 pages as they happened, my opinions had been formed by simplistic aphorisms. For example I believed that Israel was the victim in every regional conflict and that its occupation of the "territories" occurred extemporaneously. This was not actually the case, as Morris points out.
Overall, the book helped me to better understand current events in the Middle East. My impression is that the present-day conflict is fed by the unwillingness of the Arabs to accept an Israeli State. Some have said that granting Palestinians statehood will resolve the problem - and I do think that this is necessary - but it will not end the Islamic violence. It may, however, provide an incentive for the Palestinian Authority to end its tacit support for terrorism and work instead to combatting the suicidal campaign that has done little more than erode international sympathy and destroy the local economy.
- 3.0 de 5 estrellasCompra verificadaBlurred textCalificado en Estados Unidos el 21 de marzo de 2024The book’s printing was unfortunate, with almost every other page blurred or looking doubled. The content is great though
The book’s printing was unfortunate, with almost every other page blurred or looking doubled. The content is great though
- 5.0 de 5 estrellasCompra verificadaA Most Comprehensible NarrativeCalificado en Estados Unidos el 30 de abril de 2024Just finished reviewing another (excellent) book from the same author and about this most pressing of subjects: Palestine. Through a comprehensive (quite long) text (unfortunately, in a very small print) which verses about events spanning throughout more than a century,... Ver másJust finished reviewing another (excellent) book from the same author and about this most pressing of subjects: Palestine. Through a comprehensive (quite long) text (unfortunately, in a very small print) which verses about events spanning throughout more than a century, Professor Morris brings all the information available for you to reach your own conclusions - something that is as indispensable as it is "old fashioned" in these challenging times...
Just finished reviewing another (excellent) book from the same author and about this most pressing of subjects: Palestine. Through a comprehensive (quite long) text (unfortunately, in a very small print) which verses about events spanning throughout more than a century, Professor Morris brings all the information available for you to reach your own conclusions - something that is as indispensable as it is "old fashioned" in these challenging times...
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Luka5.0 de 5 estrellasCompra verificadaHighly recommendedCalificado en Canadá el 16 de noviembre de 2017Very good read. It is a lengthy and highly detailed account of a complex history. Of course, given the availability of sources and archives, there is more information on the Zionist perspective. But overall it is as well balanced as can be, given the circumstances. This is...Ver másVery good read. It is a lengthy and highly detailed account of a complex history. Of course, given the availability of sources and archives, there is more information on the Zionist perspective. But overall it is as well balanced as can be, given the circumstances. This is a well researched academic resource for those begining to learn about the conflict and those who have been learning about if got years. Highly recommended.Very good read. It is a lengthy and highly detailed account of a complex history. Of course, given the availability of sources and archives, there is more information on the Zionist perspective. But overall it is as well balanced as can be, given the circumstances.
This is a well researched academic resource for those begining to learn about the conflict and those who have been learning about if got years. Highly recommended.
Kindle-klant5.0 de 5 estrellasCompra verificadaMooi overzicht van de geschiedenis van IsraëlCalificado en Países Bajos el 20 de junio de 2019Na een uitvoerige inleiding (20% van het boek) met de voorgeschiedenis een overzicht van alle oorlogen en vredesinitiatieven tussen Israël, de Palestijnen en de andere Arabische buren. Zoals Morris steeds schrijft: Best wel kritisch op Israël maar altijd op basis van...Ver másNa een uitvoerige inleiding (20% van het boek) met de voorgeschiedenis een overzicht van alle oorlogen en vredesinitiatieven tussen Israël, de Palestijnen en de andere Arabische buren. Zoals Morris steeds schrijft: Best wel kritisch op Israël maar altijd op basis van feiten. Ondanks begrip voor de Palestijnse kant spaart Morris hen ook zeker niet, en al helemaal niet als het gaat over de gemiste kansen om vrede te bereiken.Na een uitvoerige inleiding (20% van het boek) met de voorgeschiedenis een overzicht van alle oorlogen en vredesinitiatieven tussen Israël, de Palestijnen en de andere Arabische buren. Zoals Morris steeds schrijft: Best wel kritisch op Israël maar altijd op basis van feiten. Ondanks begrip voor de Palestijnse kant spaart Morris hen ook zeker niet, en al helemaal niet als het gaat over de gemiste kansen om vrede te bereiken.
Kiki_Foofy5.0 de 5 estrellasCompra verificadaGood bookCalificado en Australia el 17 de abril de 2024Bought as present. Fast delivery.Bought as present. Fast delivery.
High Yield5.0 de 5 estrellasCompra verificadaGreat & objective book, must have for those interested in the origin of the Middle East conflictCalificado en Alemania el 20 de noviembre de 2012This book, written by Benny Morris, a well known Israeli Professor of History, is a must have for everyone interested in that topic. Digging deep into the Israeli archives, he uncovers the history of Israel with all it's ups & downs. He is not afraid of telling the...Ver másThis book, written by Benny Morris, a well known Israeli Professor of History, is a must have for everyone interested in that topic. Digging deep into the Israeli archives, he uncovers the history of Israel with all it's ups & downs. He is not afraid of telling the truth but never takes sides. Praised by the New York Times, The Washington Post, Financial Times and many more, this is arguably the most comprehensive and objective book every written on the history of the Middle East conflict. If you are interested in this topic or even studying in that field, you won't be able to ignore it.This book, written by Benny Morris, a well known Israeli Professor of History, is a must have for everyone interested in that topic. Digging deep into the Israeli archives, he uncovers the history of Israel with all it's ups & downs. He is not afraid of telling the truth but never takes sides.
Praised by the New York Times, The Washington Post, Financial Times and many more, this is arguably the most comprehensive and objective book every written on the history of the Middle East conflict. If you are interested in this topic or even studying in that field, you won't be able to ignore it.
さばとらみーちゃん5.0 de 5 estrellasCompra verificadaパレスチナ紛争史 中上級編Calificado en Japón el 24 de febrero de 2011New Historianの一人であるBenny...Ver másNew Historianの一人であるBenny Morrisによるパレスチナ紛争史で、定番書のひとつだと思います。Morrisはイスラエルではパレスチナ人寄りとされますが、パレスチナ人から見ればイスラエル寄りといった立場の学者です。戦史に近い部分もありますが、個々の紛争の原因や背景にも重点がおかれていますので、パレスチナ紛争を概観するのに大変良い本だと思います。ちょっと大著ですが、Morrisの英語は読みやすく、内容もわかりやすいのでお薦めです。ただ、パレスチナの地理に疎い日本人が読むには地図が足りないと思いますので、The Routledge Atlas of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Routledge Historical Atlases)や、あとできればThe Arab-Israeli Wars: War and Peace in the Middle East (Vintage)に入っている地図を参照しながら読まないと途中で挫折してしまうかもしれません。ペーパーバック版で一章追加されていて、2001年初頭まで(クリントン大統領によるキャンプ・デービット会談が沈没するまで)がカバーされています。New Historianの一人であるBenny Morrisによるパレスチナ紛争史で、定番書のひとつだと思います。Morrisはイスラエルではパレスチナ人寄りとされますが、パレスチナ人から見ればイスラエル寄りといった立場の学者です。戦史に近い部分もありますが、個々の紛争の原因や背景にも重点がおかれていますので、パレスチナ紛争を概観するのに大変良い本だと思います。ちょっと大著ですが、Morrisの英語は読みやすく、内容もわかりやすいのでお薦めです。ただ、パレスチナの地理に疎い日本人が読むには地図が足りないと思いますので、The Routledge Atlas of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Routledge Historical Atlases)や、あとできればThe Arab-Israeli Wars: War and Peace in the Middle East (Vintage)に入っている地図を参照しながら読まないと途中で挫折してしまうかもしれません。ペーパーバック版で一章追加されていて、2001年初頭まで(クリントン大統領によるキャンプ・デービット会談が沈没するまで)がカバーされています。
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