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![Rome's Last Citizen: The Life and Legacy of Cato, Mortal Enemy of Caesar by [Rob Goodman, Jimmy Soni]](https://m.media-amazon.com/images/I/51FlOx5aD0L._SY346_.jpg)
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"Cato, history's most famous foe of authoritarian power, was the pivotal political man of Rome; an inspiration to our Founding Fathers; and a cautionary figure for our times. He loved Roman republicanism, but saw himself as too principled for the mere politics that might have saved it. His life and lessons are urgently relevant in the harshly divided America—and world—of today. With erudition and verve, Rob Goodman and Jimmy Soni turn their life of Cato into the most modern of biographies, a blend of The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire and Game Change."—Howard Fineman, Editorial Director of The Huffington Post Media Group, NBC and MSNBC News Analyst, and New York Times bestselling author of The Thirteen American Arguments
"A truly outstanding piece of work. What most impresses me is the book's ability to reach through the confusing dynastic politics of the late Roman Republic to present social realities in a way intelligible to the modern reader. Rome's Last Citizen entertainingly restores to life the stoic Roman who inspired George Washington, Patrick Henry and Nathan Hale. This is more than a biography: it is a study of how a reputation lasted through the centuries from the end of one republic to the start of another."—David Frum, DailyBeast columnist, former White House speech writer, and New York Times bestselling author of The Right Man
Marcus Porcius Cato: aristocrat who walked barefoot and slept on the ground with his troops, political heavyweight who cultivated the image of a Stoic philosopher, a hardnosed defender of tradition who presented himself as a man out of the sacred Roman past—and the last man standing when Rome's Republic fell to tyranny. His blood feud with Caesar began in the chamber of the Senate, played out on the battlefields of a world war, and ended when he took his own life rather than live under a dictator.
Centuries of thinkers, writers, and artists have drawn inspiration from Cato's Stoic courage. Saint Augustine and the early Christians were moved and challenged by his example. Dante, in his Divine Comedy, chose Cato to preside over the souls who arrive in Purgatory. George Washington so revered him that he staged a play on Cato's life to revive the spirit of his troops at Valley Forge. Now, in Rome's Last Citizen, Rob Goodman and Jimmy Soni deliver the first modern biography of this stirring figure.
Cato's life is a gripping tale that resonates deeply with our own turbulent times. He grappled with terrorists, a debt crisis, endemic political corruption, and a huge gulf between the elites and those they governed. In many ways, Cato was the ultimate man of principle—he even chose suicide rather than be used by Caesar as a political pawn. But Cato was also a political failure: his stubbornness sealed his and Rome's defeat, and his lonely end casts a shadow on the recurring hope that a singular leader can transcend the dirty business of politics.
Rome's Last Citizen is a timeless story of an uncompromising man in a time of crisis and his lifelong battle to save the Republic.
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherThomas Dunne Books
- Publication dateOctober 16, 2012
- File size1575 KB
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About the Author
Jimmy Soni is the managing editor of the Huffington Post and a former speechwriter whose writing and commentary have appeared in the Atlantic online and on NPR, among other outlets.
A native of the United Kingdom, Audie and AudioFile Earphones Award winner Derek Perkins's audiobook narration skills are augmented by a knowledge of three foreign languages and a facility with accents. He has narrated numerous titles in a wide range of fiction and nonfiction genres. He is a member of SAG-AFTRA. --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
WAR GAMES
The first time we see boy Cato, in the account of his great biographer Plutarch, he is being hung by his feet from a high window.
He is four years old and already an orphan; it is the year 91. The man dangling and shaking him out over the ground, intermittently threatening to drop him, is a stranger. He is Pompaedius Silo, an Italian politician visiting from out of town, a friend of Cato’s uncle and guardian. He is in Rome to plead once more for citizenship for the towns of Italy, Rome’s “allies.”
Pompaedius was evidently the kind of single-minded reformer who couldn’t let the cause go even when playing with children. He’d asked the boys of the house, with a smile, “Come, beg your uncle to help us in our struggle.” Though they barely understood the request, all of them, even Cato’s half brother, had nodded yes. Cato had only stared.
There came another request for help, then a joke, then the guest’s dropped smile, then threats, and still the angry stare from this four-year-old boy either dumb or self-possessed beyond his years, until he was shaken and dangled out the window—without a scream, without a cry for help, yielding just that same unblinking stare.
After Pompaedius gave up and set the boy back on his feet, he was overheard to say, “How lucky for Italy that he is a boy; if he were a man, I don’t think we could get a single vote.”
* * *
It is the kind of perfect story that could only come from a culture that didn’t believe in childhood. The truth is that we know precious little about the boy Cato, or the boy Caesar, or the boy Cicero. Most of the details of their childhoods, or any Roman childhood, were considered too trivial to remember. And when their stories do come down to us—like the story of Cato and the window, told by Plutarch about a hundred years after the fact—they are the stories of little adults. We talk about “formative” years, but in childhood stories like this one, it is as if the Romans were born fully formed.
Whether or not there was an authentic incident of a houseguest, a political controversy, and a children’s game turned violent, this is, at the very least, a projection back into boyhood of all the indelible qualities of the grown Cato: stubbornness (or obstinacy); fearlessness (or foolhardiness); traditionalist politics (or reactionary politics). The story shows Cato grabbed by an overwhelming force, facing death, and evincing utter calm in the face of it. It shows him proving so unshakable that the force, while remaining every bit as overwhelming, recognizes that it has suffered some kind of moral defeat. Plutarch was a deliberate artist: He started Cato’s life with a typology of his death.
What else do we know of Cato’s beginnings? We know he was born in 95 to his mother Livia Drusa and father Marcus Cato, a senator of whom little record survives. The conventions of Roman childhood and parenting are well understood in outline, though we know little unique to Cato. If the first moments of his life were at all typical, the screaming newborn Cato was placed at the feet of his father. His father raised him from the ground, held him close, inspected him for signs of strength and health—a tender gesture, but one that held the power of life and death. His father’s nod made him a citizen and a son; rejected on the ground, he would have been marked a bastard and left to die. Several days’ wait, and he was given the name of his family’s men for at least six generations: Marcus. Then came a series of rituals. The house was swept to rid it of evil spirits. A lucky golden locket was placed around the newborn’s neck. His future was divined in the flight of birds and the entrails of sacrificed animals. All this signaled Cato’s entrance into his father’s household and family line.
Above all, of course, we know that Cato survived his earliest days—no small feat in a culture that tested the toughness of newborns by exposing them to the elements, bathing them in ice water, and kneading the weakness out of their soft muscles. That there was not much weakness in Cato can be inferred from the simple fact that he lived.
* * *
Whether or not an enraged houseguest nearly defenestrated the boy Cato, what is indisputably true is the grievance the guest came to Rome to press. Italy hadn’t always paid tribute to Rome: Its independence had been worn down over centuries of war. Even where Rome’s authority was acknowledged, it was hardly welcomed. When Hannibal had marched over the Alps in 218, intent on conquering Rome, half of Italy had sided with him; when he was driven out, Rome punished the traitor cities severely, destroying some outright.
And yet, as Rome built an overseas empire, Italian soldiers shared the burden, manning up to two-thirds of the Roman army; Italian sons died alongside Romans to secure Sicily and Carthage and Greece. Romans and Italians were interchangeable to the conquered, indistinguishable Romaioi. Yet the spoils went overwhelmingly to the Roman capital, and Italians were denied the vote, even as they paid men and money into the Roman machine.
The Italian question had vexed Roman politics for generations, and it was a central theme in the brief careers of Rome’s greatest radicals, the brothers Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus. Their failure is often considered the beginning of the Republic’s slow end.
The oldest son of an old family, already decorated in war, Tiberius Gracchus is said to have conceived his political platform while on the march. A generation before Cato’s birth, he was infuriated to see firsthand an Italian countryside almost entirely given over to imported slave gangs and the massive plantations of the Roman rich. He grieved that “the Italian race … a people so valiant in war, and related in blood to the Romans, were declining little by little into pauperism and paucity of numbers without any hope of remedy.” He also feared that Rome, with its hardy, small farmers on the decline, would grow increasingly vulnerable to its enemies.
In 133, soon after his return to Rome, Tiberius won election as tribune of the people. The Senate had set aside the office of the tribune as a pacifier for Rome’s underclass, but it was rarely used for any radical purpose until Tiberius got his hands on it. He electrified Rome with his passionate words on behalf of the soldiers who fought to build an empire, even as their own small pieces of that empire were stripped away:
It is with lying lips that their commanders exhort the soldiers in their battles to defend sepulchres and shrines from the enemy; for not a man of them has an hereditary altar, not one of all these many Romans an ancestral tomb, but they fight and die to support others in wealth and luxury, and though they are styled masters of the world, they have not a single clod of earth that is their own.
On the strength of this rallying cry, Tiberius proposed to remedy Rome’s wealth gap by capping the holdings of the rich and distributing public lands to the urban poor. Ignoring the outrage of Rome’s senatorial establishment, Tiberius took his bill for land redistribution directly to the people’s assembly, a body with the authority to pass laws, but one that rarely dared to defy the aristocracy. The Roman masses passed the land reform by acclamation.
In the Senate, Tiberius’s success was perceived not merely as the action of a radical, but as the ambition of a would-be king, an attempt to put a faction in permanent power with the backing of the poor. Not long after passage of the land bill, a senator and neighbor of the Gracchus family was brought forward to testify that Tiberius was hiding a crown in his home. The Senate’s suspicions seemed all but confirmed when Tiberius broke with Roman tradition and announced his campaign for a second consecutive year in office. It was only because he wanted immunity from political prosecution, he insisted. It was the first step to declaring himself tribune-for-life, his enemies said.
It is not surprising that the fracas ended in the murder of Tiberius and the death of his followers. What is astonishing is that the party of senators who beat Tiberius to death in open daylight was led by Rome’s high priest, who wore his toga pulled over his head, just as he dressed when sacrificing an animal. The assassination of Tiberius was dressed up as a religious rite, a sacrifice to the Republic’s guardian gods.
* * *
Tiberius’s younger brother, Gaius Gracchus, escaped the killings—and for the rest of his short life, “the grief he had suffered encouraged him to speak out fearlessly.” Friends and enemies alike painted Gaius as a man on fire for revenge. Yet, elected tribune ten years after Tiberius, he brought more than anger and grief to the work of coalition building and legislating. He brought a discipline that outdid his brother’s. While Tiberius reached out to the Roman poor alone, Gaius made inroads with Rome’s merchant class, the equites (so called because they could afford to outfit themselves with a horse in times of war). And in the most critical departure from his brother’s example, Gaius invited Italians into his populist coalition. For the first time, a leading Roman was offering equal citizenship, including full voting rights, to Rome’s closest Italian allies.
It was Gaius’s most creative act of statesmanship—but it was also the opening that allowed his conservative opponents a chance to destroy him. It took little effort to drive a wedge between Gaius’s Italian and Roman backers: His opponents had only to point out that more voting power and more cheap bread for Italians meant less of both for Romans. “If you give citizenship to the Latins,” said one nativist... --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.
Product details
- ASIN : B0085UD4A0
- Publisher : Thomas Dunne Books; Reprint edition (October 16, 2012)
- Publication date : October 16, 2012
- Language : English
- File size : 1575 KB
- Text-to-Speech : Enabled
- Screen Reader : Supported
- Enhanced typesetting : Enabled
- X-Ray : Enabled
- Word Wise : Enabled
- Sticky notes : On Kindle Scribe
- Print length : 381 pages
- Best Sellers Rank: #697,337 in Kindle Store (See Top 100 in Kindle Store)
- #105 in Historical Italian & Roman Biographies
- #244 in Ancient Rome Biographies
- #670 in Ancient Roman History (Kindle Store)
- Customer Reviews:
About the authors
Jimmy Soni is an award-winning author. His last book, A Mind at Play: How Claude Shannon Invented the Information Age, won the 2017 Neumann Prize, awarded by the British Society for the History of Mathematics for the best book on the history of mathematics for a general audience, and the Middleton Prize by the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers (IEEE). His most recent work, Jane’s Carousel, completed with the late Jane Walentas, captured one woman’s remarkable twenty-five-year journey to restore a beloved carousel in Brooklyn Bridge Park. He lives in Brooklyn, New York, with his daughter, Venice.
Rob Goodman is Assistant Professor of Politics and Public Administration at Ryerson University. He received his Ph.D. from Columbia University in 2018 and was previously a U.S. House and Senate speechwriter. His most recent book is Words on Fire: Eloquence and Its Conditions (Cambridge University Press, 2022). He is also the co-author of A Mind at Play: How Claude Shannon Invented the Information Age (Simon & Schuster, 2017) and Rome's Last Citizen: The Life and Legacy of Cato, Mortal Enemy of Caesar (Thomas Dunne, 2012). He has written for publications including Slate, The Atlantic, Politico, and Aeon.
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Reviewed in the United States on June 12, 2019
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The first point is no longer true, thanks to Rob Goodman (speech writer for House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer and Senator Chris Dodd) and Jimmy Soni, (managing editor of The Huffington Post) and their new biography: Rome's Last Citizen - The Life and Legacy of Cato, Mortal Enemy of Caesar.
First of all, this book is a excellent introduction to Stoicism. Stoicism is a livable philosophy and Cato lived it closer to the ideal than anyone else, repeatedly putting his life and reputation on the line for these principles. If he was wrong, he would suffer for it. Knowing this, he adopted a strategy of opposites: shun personal ambition, create greater opposition, be even harder on yourself. Be ashamed only of what is truly shameful. He turned his failures in war and politics into his greatest advantages and made a majority of one, the sole force to protect the Roman Republic from the competing ambitions of Caesar and Pompey.
And then there is his suicide: meticulously executed (as a Stoic would), it had the reverse effect that suicide is supposed to have. No scorn, no pity, but a symbolic death of the republic and final rebuke of Caesar, effectively accomplishing everything his life could not.
History oscillates on Cato: At times forgetting him, at others, holding him up as the Stoic ideal, the aspiration of philosophers and revolutionaries off and on for 2,000 years - Seneca, Dante, the early Christians (most people like to draw more of a distinction here than really exists), George Washington, Thomas Jefferson and Thomas Paine. Instead of condemning him to hell for his suicide, as Augustine did, Dante placed him as the guard over purgatory, a position he was well suited to. General George Washington staged a viewing of the Joseph Addison play, Cato, for his troops at Valley Forge, just prior to the biggest battle of the revolutionary war.The similarities between Cato and Thomas Paine are so obvious that they can only be the one imitating the other. Weak men and politicians everywhere have used the phrase, "We can't all be Catos!" to excuse their own moral failures. It seems we may again be in one of these later times, looking to Cato for our inspiration.
This book completely changed my view of Stoicism, first by giving flesh to many of the ideas I've been thinking about, and second by putting Stoicism into the context of the world it grew up in. It also helped me to understand the power dynamics of men like Pompey and Caesar, and the divisions that eventually lead to Rome's collapse. In our own times, with Pompeys and Caesars of our own, I found Cato to be incredibly applicable.
It is exclusivity, obscurity and singularity that made Cato so great. He was the exact opposite of the dynamic leader, ruling by popular majority. He contrasted this in every way, winning affection by despising it and using obscurity to his advantage. Simultaneously he was his own lost cause and his own salvation. For those interested in such a figure, I whole-heartedly recommend this book.
I'm no Cato scholar, so I can't speak to the accuracy or nuances of his history compared with any other historian -- but as far as an extremely insightful and entertaining read, Rob Goodman captured exactly what I was hoping for. Not only did he give me a detailed perspective of Cato's life, he also filled it in with the legacy of Cato down through the ages. I could feel my mind exploding as I uncovered the juicy details that Plutarch only brushed upon -- I wanted more, and here I found it. Cato as the man, Cato as the politician, Cato as the Stoic, Cato as the paragon of virtue, Cato as a real flawed character, Cato in his own time and Cato as we have demonized and idealized him since. Dante asked, "What man on earth was more worthy to signify God than Cato?" I ask: what man on earth was more mythologized over and over again to fit and inform the zeitgeist of the times?
While I love the historic Cato with all his flaws and contradictions, I can't help but feel a special affinity to the Cato of the revolutionary war -- the Cato of George Washington. How could this Cato not inspire dedication to Stoic virtue and gentle enlightenment? I found myself, like George Washington wanting to BE this Cato. This Cato, unlike Seneca or Epictetus, comes with a special weight of actually having lived his Stoic virtues as a politician, inspiring us to this special possibility. Who doesn't love the story of the virtuous standing up to the tyrant -- and though he loses his life actually wins? Cato, Jesus, Socrates, we love them all! For it tells us there is something greater to die for, and something greater to live for. What would the revolution war be if we didn't have this mythologized Cato? Would its possibility still be a possibility? Though a majority of people now days don't even know who Cato was, I can't help but think how we as a people in this post-revolutionary era have both been created in his image and he created in ours.
Rob Goodman is not only brilliant in bringing all the pieces of Cato to perspective but brilliant in bringing this superb history to a modern audience in a simple and necessary way. I'm with Seneca on this one -- "Choose Cato" and there is no better way to start than here with Rob Goodman's book.
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