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The Room Where It Happened: A White House Memoir Hardcover – Illustrated, June 23, 2020
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The result is a White House memoir that is the most comprehensive and substantial account of the Trump Administration, and one of the few to date by a top-level official. With almost daily access to the President, John Bolton has produced a precise rendering of his days in and around the Oval Office. What Bolton saw astonished him: a President for whom getting reelected was the only thing that mattered, even if it meant endangering or weakening the nation. “I am hard-pressed to identify any significant Trump decision during my tenure that wasn’t driven by reelection calculations,” he writes. In fact, he argues that the House committed impeachment malpractice by keeping its prosecution focused narrowly on Ukraine when Trump’s Ukraine-like transgressions existed across the full range of his foreign policy—and Bolton documents exactly what those were, and attempts by him and others in the Administration to raise alarms about them.
He shows a President addicted to chaos, who embraced our enemies and spurned our friends, and was deeply suspicious of his own government. In Bolton’s telling, all this helped put Trump on the bizarre road to impeachment. “The differences between this presidency and previous ones I had served were stunning,” writes Bolton, who worked for Reagan, Bush 41, and Bush 43. He discovered a President who thought foreign policy is like closing a real estate deal—about personal relationships, made-for-TV showmanship, and advancing his own interests. As a result, the US lost an opportunity to confront its deepening threats, and in cases like China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea ended up in a more vulnerable place.
Bolton’s account starts with his long march to the West Wing as Trump and others woo him for the National Security job. The minute he lands, he has to deal with Syria’s chemical attack on the city of Douma, and the crises after that never stop. As he writes in the opening pages, “If you don’t like turmoil, uncertainty, and risk—all the while being constantly overwhelmed with information, decisions to be made, and sheer amount of work—and enlivened by international and domestic personality and ego conflicts beyond description, try something else.”
The turmoil, conflicts, and egos are all there—from the upheaval in Venezuela, to the erratic and manipulative moves of North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, to the showdowns at the G7 summits, the calculated warmongering by Iran, the crazy plan to bring the Taliban to Camp David, and the placating of an authoritarian China that ultimately exposed the world to its lethal lies. But this seasoned public servant also has a great eye for the Washington inside game, and his story is full of wit and wry humor about how he saw it played.
- Print length592 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherSimon & Schuster
- Publication dateJune 23, 2020
- Dimensions6 x 1.6 x 9 inches
- ISBN-101982148039
- ISBN-13978-1982148034
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“As much as you think you know about the arrogance, vanity and sheer incompetence of Trump’s years in the White House, Bolton’s account will still astonish you... No wonder the White House was so determined to block this book.” – David Ignatius, Washington Post
"A scathing and revelatory account... indispensable, jaw-dropping, and specific...what a truth he offers us." – The New Yorker
“Bolton's bombshell book shows it's still possible to be shocked by Trump's presidency” – The Guardian
“Mr. Bolton’s volume is the first tell-all memoir by such a high-ranking official who participated in major foreign policy events and has a lifetime of conservative credentials. It is a withering portrait of a president ignorant of even basic facts about the world, susceptible to transparent flattery by authoritarian leaders manipulating him and prone to false statements, foul-mouthed eruptions and snap decisions that aides try to manage or reverse.” – The New York Times
“The most substantive, critical dissection of the president from an administration insider… lays out a long series of jarring and troubling encounters between the president, his top advisers and foreign leaders.” – Washington Post
“A book full of damning details” – The Economist
“Explosive” – Business Insider
“Devastating portrait” – Telegraph
“Eye-popping” – CNN
"Jarring" – Jake Tapper, CNN
"Shows the scale and depth of Trump’s depravity and corruption." – The Atlantic
"A service to the nation... There is no question that this book contains explosive revelations that could well have an impact on the election." – Thomas Wright, The Brookings Institute, The Atlantic
“The details are damning.” – Fareed Zakaria
“The most devastating indictment yet.” – Nicolle Wallace
“A harrowing portrait” – Mother Jones
"Absurdly entertaining" - Ben Domenech, The Federalist
“A riveting read” - Trevor Noah, The Daily Show
"The most important White House memoir yet to emerge from the Trump administration" – National Review
About the Author
Product details
- Publisher : Simon & Schuster; Illustrated edition (June 23, 2020)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 592 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1982148039
- ISBN-13 : 978-1982148034
- Item Weight : 1.7 pounds
- Dimensions : 6 x 1.6 x 9 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #39,559 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #54 in United States Executive Government
- #175 in Political Leader Biographies
- #1,063 in Memoirs (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
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About the author

John R. Bolton served as Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs from April 9, 2018 until his resignation on September 10, 2019. From January 2007 until April 2018, he served as a Senior Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington.
He was appointed as United States Permanent Representative to the United Nations on August 1, 2005 and served until his resignation in December 2006. Prior to his appointment, Ambassador Bolton served as Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security from May 2001 to May 2005.
Throughout his career, Ambassador Bolton has been a staunch defender of American interests. While Under Secretary of State, he advocated tough measures against the nuclear weapons programs of both Iran and North Korea, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction worldwide. He led negotiations for America to withdraw from the 1972 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty so that the Bush Administration could proceed with a national missile-defense program.
Ambassador Bolton has spent many years in public service. Previous positions he has held include assistant secretary for International Organization Affairs at the Department of State, 1989-1993; assistant attorney general, Department of Justice, 1985-1989; assistant administrator for Program and Policy Coordination, U.S. Agency for International Development, 1982-1983 and general counsel, U.S. Agency for International Development, 1981-1982.
Ambassador Bolton is the author of Surrender is Not an Option: Defending America at the U.N. and Abroad, published by Simon and Shuster (November 2007) and How Barack Obama Is Endangering our National Sovereignty, published by Encounter Books (April 2010).
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Unfortunately, leaked quotes to the New York Times did not sway Bolton’s fellow Republicans in the Senate in the way that his actual testimony (or even a press conference or sworn affidavit) could have.
Bolton, not lacking in self-regard, has no regrets about his decision not to testify. He even, near the end of this book, bizarrely, accuses the House Managers of committing “impeachment malpractice” by not making a broader case. (He chooses to forget that Trump ordered complete non-cooperation from federal employees and also forbade everyone from turning over any requested documents.)
It was only because of the testimonies of people far, far braver than John Bolton—and some good lawyering—that the Democrats were able to build a strong case against President Trump. (Bolton writes that they should have taken their time—apparently also forgetting that the impeachment was about Trump “cheating to win” (again) in 2020. “Cheating to win an upcoming election” wasn’t the kind of danger to democracy that Democrats could pursue at their leisure.)
Fortunately, there were some public servants who were far braver than NSA Bolton, including his own subordinates—Fiona Hill and Lt. Commander Alex Vindman. Unlike their boss, they risked their careers and saw their reputations falsely smeared, in order to do the right thing for their country. (In Vindman’s case, Trump not only fired him in retaliation for responding to the subpoena, he also fired his twin brother, an NSC lawyer with no involvement at all in the impeachment.
I thought Bolton might have praised Vindman and Hill and the others who DID testify in spite of the risks. But, based on how he comes across in this 500+ page memoir, Bolton's not apparently the self-reflective type, and so, he doesn’t.
For those expecting a juicy, gossipy book, this really isn't it. Most of the best quotes have already become public. (As has the president's stunning ignorance. Bolton tells us Trump didn't know that Finland is a country or that the UK is a nuclear power.) Much of this book is about Bolton doing his job as NSA. He writes a lot about his work--and makes it sound like work--the meetings he took with others, the policies he wanted to see in North Korea...Syria...Iran...China... Europe, etc. Honestly, a lot of this is very dull--and worse, if you don't even like the policies.
Also, I didn't find Bolton a very satisfying observer, maybe because of his political orientation. Time and again, he's in an interesting situation, but doesn't have much of interest to say about it. One example is that press conference between Putin and Trump in Helsinki, which was televised in full, following their one-on-one two hour meeting. Bolton leaves out the context of the two men's answers--he shares Trump's dislike of reporters--and his summaries of what was said is poor. As always, he shortchanges the importance of the Mueller investigation, including that just three days earlier Mueller indicted 13 Russians for their interference with the U.S. 2016 election. He does mention what a bombshell Trump's expressed support for Putin over U.S. intel was, but doesn't write about the event or followup in a very interesting way. (Maybe Dan Coats will write a memoir some day. Trump's DNI almost resigned over Helsinki, per Bolton.) As with the rest of the book we really don't get much sense of Donald Trump as a personality--what Bolton believes that the president is thinking and feeling, why he does what he does. (Again, if only the writer was a journalist or historian.)
Bolton clearly sees Putin as a U.S. adversary, and one who is in control of the Putin-Trump relationship. It surprised me that he didn't see this as a greater threat to the U.S. because of Trump's ongoing subservience to him, shown in Helsinki as other places. He -does- seem more alarmed by the realization that this as a pattern--how easily foreign autocrats and dictators, including Kim, Xi and Erdogan, find it to manipulate Donald Trump by appealing to his self-interest and his vanity.
(I -was- interested in the description of Putin as having two ways of interacting with others "either humiliating them or dominating them". (Sound familiar?) But this is just an aside. There's a blandness to much of Bolton's narrative, a passivity that makes you want a journalist or historian "in the room" instead.)
Bolton's narrative makes it clear that Trump doesn't care one bit for human rights, democracy or the rule of law. He encourages Xi Jinping to build concentration camps to imprison China's 1 million Uighurs. He only makes a statement about Saudi buddy Muhammed bin Salman's role in the grisly murder of journalist--and American resident--Jamal Khashoggi--because he wants to distract reporters from Ivanka's abuse of private email.
Trump's betrayal of the Syrian Kurds'--for years acknowledged as such courageous and reliable U.S. allies in the fight against ISIS--marks another deplorable chapter in U.S. foreign policy. Trump's heartless comments as he plans to abandon the Kurds--including their families and villages--to Turkish troops are too painful to repeat here. Bolton had left by the time the policy was finalized, but he obviously also didn't care. To him, the fate of Syrian Kurds was simply, "all about Iran". Mattis resigned over it, but Bolton never asks himself who would ever trust the United States again? Trump managed to turn his one foreign policy success in the Middle East into an abject failure.
It can be disconcerting when a writer's personality and political viewpoint differ so strongly from one's own. For example, Bolton describes a trip to NATO headquarters that sent Mattis, Kelly and himself into a panic. Trump--always eager to undermine NATO (coincidentally, also a top Putin goal)--was going to threaten to leave if Germany didn't "pay what they owed". Bolton says he "doesn't know" if Trump actually was wrong--over and over--about the arrangement or just was short-handing the fact that it was about NATO countries funding their military defense, not money..
Well, you don't need national security clearance to know that Trump absolutely doesn't understand that NATO nations' are talking about the amount they're spending on their own defense, not something paid into a mutual "kitty" (they have one of those, too, but that's never what Trump is badgering them about.) As usual, his target was Germany, whose leader--a woman--has emerged as the global leader of democracies, now that the U.S. has abdicated the role. Anyway, the meeting is tense, and eventually it ends without the U.S. withdrawing from yet another international agreement (Bolton, by the way, hates the Paris Climate Accords and the Iran Nuclear Deal. In this, he and Trump are quite simpatico.) There's a large group at the end and Merkel extends her hand. Instead of shaking it, Trump bends down and kisses her on both cheeks, exclaiming, "I love Angela!" The onlookers, according to Bolton, applaud. He seems to feel this was a good moment. I felt embarrassed by my president and his team when reading it. (The Bush back rub wasn't bad enough?)
Despite taking his book title from the hit musical "Hamilton", Bolton does little to create scenes and make events and personalities come alive. Much of this book is dry and dull. Still, Bolton may deserve –some- credit anyway for bringing it out before the election. (It’s really not ALL about the $2 million from Simon & Schuster, right?) He has, after all, made himself widely disliked on both the right and the left—and also has antagonized the ever-vindictive president and his powerful lackeys, including the attorney general. Trump and Barr have already indicated that they will make sure that Bolton -does- pay a price for making Trump look so bad,
There've been a lot of unflattering quotes from this book--probably most of the interesting things are already out there. But he also appears to whitewash Trump's personality and his lack of dexterity with the language. Bolton mentions how the president is unfocused and talks too much (including during his infrequent intelligence briefings). But he never tries to capture the rambling, repetitive, often disturbing quality of Trump's unique style of verbal expression. Trump here, like everyone else, speaks in short, succinct phrases whenever directly quoted. In fact, everyone in direct quotes basically sounds the same. Did the publisher want quote marks in the text even though these are obviously NOT exact quotes?
Again, I want a journalist or historian "in the room" with Trump on these occasions. I want to know what was really said.
Bolton doesn't represent Trump's unique verbal style--or his well-known temper and tirades, He does, at times, remind you of how often he fires people--and how often they quit. Or, as in Bolton's case, it's both. Bolton quit and gave notice, only to have Trump jump the gun and announce that Bolton had been fired. It's credible because we saw him do the same with SOD James Mattis.
In one of the most disturbing quotes, Bolton observes that "obstruction of justice as a way of life" for Trump. He warns that if he is re-elected, the "last guardrail" on the president--his obsession with being reelected--will be removed. At that point, Bolton--who sees in Trump an opportunist with no core principles or philosophy--could do anything that he felt benefited him personally. Given his warmth toward the world's dictators and autocrats--Putin, Kim Jung Un, Saudi MBS, Turkey's Erdogan, Xi--the potential for even greater corruption in a second term is huge. Even now, Bolton describes Trump promising Erdogan he will intervene in a case involving the Turkish bank and SDNY "as soon as I put my people in". (Will he do the same for his major lender, Deutschebank? We don't know how interconnected his personal interests are with the financial perks from the dictators of the world since he refuses to release his tax returns.).
Bolton worked for George W. Bush, GWH Bush, and Ronald Reagan. But his 17 months with Donald Trump convinced him that not only was Trump unlike any other U.S. president, he was unfit to hold the office. Unfit, yet with Trump's 89% popularity with Republicans according to recent polls, and with the generally unwavering support from elected Republicans, it's hard to know if Bolton's intended audience will be reading this. Election Day is less than five months away. The question you're left with is:: Will Bolton's warning make any difference?
Top reviews from other countries
El autor, a mi juicio, comete el error de criticar al presidente por sus formas sin indicar, intencionadamente, que su trabajo como Asesor de Estado incluye, entre otros cometidos, corregir acciones que puedan resultar lesivas a los intereses de la nación, por mucho que esas acciones las apoye el mismísimo presidente. Bolton atribuye a Trump una responsabilidad casi total en ciertos errores cometidos en materia de Diplomacia, mostrándose él como una pobre víctima del "desgobierno", de la torpeza, del caos y de la ignorancia que trata de plasmar en casi 500 páginas de libro.
Desde mi modesta perspectiva, el resultado obtenido es justo el contrario: Bolton queda como un burócrata acomodado, de notable rigidez mental, que sólo acepta y valora la forma de trabajar "de siempre", la que conoce y en la que se siente protegido, sin necesidad de exponerse a críticas y permaneciendo en una confortable sombra mediática. Este libro prueba que a determinados "perros viejos" no se les puede enseñar "trucos nuevos". Tomar decisiones valientes implica pasar frío, salirse de la zona de comfort y a Bolton se le nota que aprecia demasiado el calor y la buena vida que ha mantenido trabajando en otras administraciones republicanas con anterioridad o como diplomático ante Naciones Unidas.
Trump es un personaje excéntrico, desconocedor de muchos aspectos relativos a la historia política de su país (como queda de manifiesto no ya en este libro sino también en innumerables tweets que debían haberse evitado) que, muy probablemente, haya tratado de llevar el país de forma similar a como ha llevado sus negocios en el sector privado. Impulsivo, irreflexivo, caprichoso incluso y, en no pocas ocasiones, temerario en sus declaraciones. Trump ha actuado incontables veces como si no dependieran 240 millones de personas de sus decisiones o como si sólo decidiera para "empleados" suyos. Sin embrago, el motivo por el cual se encuentra rodeado de asesores y colaboradores es, precisamente, evitar que un posible sesgo procedente de su ignorancia en ciertos temas o de su "actitud empresarial" pueda causar algún inconveniente al país. Ahí es donde debía entrar Bolton.
Pues bien, el autor en lugar de tratar de potenciar los aspectos positivos que la peculiar forma de ser de Trump pueda traer a su país (no se olvide que las cifras de paro con Trump se han reducido notablemente durante la pandemia y que durante su legislatura no ha entrado en conflicto armado declarado con ninguna otra nación, contribuyendo todo esto a mantener la hegemonía de Estados Unidos como primera potencia mundial) se limita a enfatizar los detalles estrafalarios (como el episodio del CD de Elton John para Kim Jong Un), se explaya en la descripción de las meteduras de pata, de los tweets absurdos... Que él mismo tendría que haber tratado de prevenir en lugar de dedicarse a sus juegos de poder y sus lamentos junto a Pompeo, Mattis, Mnuchin y el resto de hombres del presidente. Podríamos recordarle a Bolton las declaraciones de cierto presidente ante el estreno cinematográfico de "El nacimiento de una nación", para dejarle claro que los presidentes son humanos, tienen la potestad de equivocarse como todos y se han caracterizado por salirse incontables veces del tiesto.
Personalmente, dada la trayectoria empresarial de Trump, no creo que el presidente se encuentre tan endiosado como para no aceptar de buen grado una conversación, franca y sincera, con su equipo de cara a reconducir situaciones difíciles o a desencallar negociaciones con países beligerantes como Corea del Norte. Lo que ocurre es que para que eso ocurra, tiene que haber un mínimo de iniciativa por parte de la cohorte de funcionarios y burócratas que lo rodean. Bolton resulta carecer de los arredros necesarios (o del interés) para hacerlo. Era su obligación, esa es mi opinión. Si tras dar consejo y exponer los riesgos asociados a las decisiones es Trump quien actúa erróneamente, entonces es del presidente toda la responsabilidad del error cometido. Demasiadas veces en el texto el autor comenta lo que pensó en voz baja sobre tal o cual decisión del presidente. Excusatio non petita, culpa manifesta. Su labor consistía en alzar la voz y denunciar, sin contemplaciones, si algo iba en contra de los intereses de la nación. De forma clara y objetiva.
Valoro positivamente la obra en lo que a contenido histórico se refiere, en lo que a la descripción de los personajes concierne y por haber aparecido en un momento tan apropiado. Es un libro relativamente ameno y en ocasiones hilarante.
No puedo ser igualmente bondadoso en mi crítica hacia el autor y hacia su estilo personal al llevar los asuntos que le incumbían como Asesor. Bolton ha tratado de deformar la imagen de una administración haciendo pasar los hechos por el prisma de su perspectiva de burócrata con un resultado fallido. Si Trump es criticado, también lo será el resto de su administración de la que, le guste o no a Bolton, él también formaba parte. John Bolton abandonó el barco antes del fin de la legislatura, aún contando con una opinión positiva por parte del presidente en lo que respecta a sus funciones como asesor y pese a que pudieran mantener posturas encontradas en distintos asuntos. Trump nunca dudó de sus capacidades, simplemente tenía opiniones distintas y modos o formas quizá inapropiadas que su equipo debió tratar de reconducir. Se puede disentir y seguir defendiendo a la nación.
Dar servicio al país al que uno pertenece implica muchas veces tener que esforzarse hasta el límite y tener que exponerse a situaciones desagradables o embarazosas. El autor pudo seguir intentándolo, en arenas tan complejas como Venezuela, Irán o Rusia, pero decidió tirar la toalla. Los medios de izquierda lo ensalzarán para desacreditar a Trump, pero quien lea este libro comprenderá hasta qué punto los asesores pueden ser una gran ayuda o un obstáculo al funcionamiento de un país, por acción u omisión. Bolton eligió abandonar.
Tal vez hubiera preferido ser Bolton el presidente y ser él mismo quien tomara las decisiones claves en materia de asuntos exteriores. Lamentablemente, para eso también hace falta salir de la zona de comfort y exponerse al mundo entero como Trump sí hizo.
This book is foremost a memoir of John Bollton's time in the White House. It is not hundreds of pages of critique of Donald Trump, though it does delve into it to an extent. There is a lot of detail on international relations that Bolton experienced during his time as National Security Advisor. If I'm honest, sometimes there is a little too much detail. It goes a lot into events that transpired oftentimes without much analysis or critique. Bolton does bring up some criticism of Trump and others in the book, but very rarely any serious self-reflection on his own actions. When he does criticise his own actions, it's usually a shallow thought on whether or not he should have said something, instead of a deep thought into his world views.
The Epilogue gets a bit better and is what made me give this book four stars instead of three. It focuses on the problem with partisan politics and while Bolton still refrains from going too deep into the criticism of (his flavour of) right-wing politics, he gives a lot of insight into the sorry state of partisan politics and the mass media without dragging on about it. He also goes into his reasons for not tesitifying to congress during the impeachment trial. If the whole book were written like it was in the Epilogue--even if I might not have agreed with all of his analyses--I feel this book would be a lot more valuable.
So should you read this book? I feel this book may have been marketed a lot differently to what it really is. If you were hoping for one man's transformative journey from conservative to liberal after working with Trump, you will be sorely disappointed. If you want 500 pages of "Trump is bad", save yourself the monotony and just read one of the articles that has summarised the excerpts. If, however, you are genuinely interested in the state of the foreign relations of the United States of America, you could do worse.
読者の興味を引くことでもあり、リベラル左派民主党が現政権を打破したい思惑と、左派
ポピュリストメディアの依って立つところでもある。
泣く子も黙る大手「サイモン&シュスター出版社」は、発刊の一週間前にボルトンをワシ
ントン地裁に提訴される中、「トランプ政権側の不都合をもみ消す行為だ。ボルトン氏の
言論の自由を保証する合衆国憲法を支持する」として本著の出版を強行した。
本著の執筆者は、ボルトン氏(Bolton, John R)とされるが、自身は作家でもなく、ゴー
ストライターの力量が問われた珠玉の一筆となっているが、「ボルトンは精神不安定で切
れやすい。特に、上司に酷評されると、トランプのオフレコのコメントでは、自分がボル
トンのアドバイスの通りにすれば、米国は既に第六次世界大戦に入っている」ということ
に頭にきたのか、トランプ大統領顧問を解雇されたジョン・ボルトン氏の回想録の体をと
りながら、いかに「恨みっつら」を刷り込むかが、むしろ本著の命題とも言える。
発刊前の喧伝として、ウォーストリートジャーナル(WSJ: THE WALL STREET JOURN
-AL)にボルトン氏自身の著名記事として中身の抜粋(The Scandal of Trump’s China
Policy)を自信でリークしたことから、一躍脚光を浴びることとなった。
一つ目のポイント――「人物構成がリアルに語られる」
本著では、White Houseをとりまく人物構成がリアルな形で話が進行するため、およそ
人物がどういう位置付けにあるのか、を押さえることである。およそ3つのグループに区
分けするのがよいか、と思う。
第1は、貿易不均衡や雇用を是正する「通商強行派」である。トランプ大統領(Trump)、
スティーブン・ムニューシン財務長官(Steve Mnuchin)、ジャレット・クシュナー大
統領上級顧問(Jared Kushner:トランプ大統領の娘婿)であり、実業界やウォール街
出身の幹部が多く、中国を主にビジネスの対象と捉える。無論、今回のコロナ恐慌で対
立軸の舵は動いているが、本著に関する限りG20のサミット近辺を念頭に置いている。
第2は、中国の台頭する社会主義国家そのものが許せない「軍事強行派」「理念強硬派」
である。マイク・ペンス副大統領(Mike Pence)、ジェームス・マティス国防長官(
Mattis ,James N:2019年1月1日辞任)、マイク・ポンペオ国務長官(Mike Pompeo:
元CIA長官)、ピーター・ナバロ国家通商会議長(Peter Navarro)、そしてここに、
ボルトン大統領安保担当補佐官が位置するのである。なお、政権から外れているが、い
まだに影響力のあるステーブン・バノン元大統領主席戦略官兼上級顧問(Bannon,Step
-hen K)が含まれる。彼等は、決して口にしないが、白人でもキリスト教徒でもなく、
英語を母国語としない中共の中国を代表とした「ならず者国家」に21世紀の覇権を握ら
れることの拒否感が根強い。
第3は、貿易協商の責任者であるロバート・ライトハイザーUSTR代表は、両派の中間に
位置する。両派の支持が得られるので、貿易交渉ではパワフルな存在になっている。
二つ目のポイント――「500頁超えする本著作の中でどこが勘所か」
ズバリ、312頁にある。原文は以下のとおり。
The point to be not to be overlooked is as the following.
―――――――――――――
Uighurs had been wending its way through the NSC process, but it was not yet ready
for decision. It only got worse. At the opening dinner of the Osaka G20 meeting, with
only interpreters present, Xi explained to Trump why he was basically building
concentration camps in Xinjiang. According to our interpreter, Trump said that Xi
should go ahead with building the camps, which he thought was exactly the right
thing to do.
―――――――――――――
国家安全保障会議(NSC)で審議された案件で、ウイグル族住民(Uighurs)をとりまく
問題は成熟せず、一層悪化を辿っているが、大阪G20での通訳を介在しながら外国語を話
すインタープリタ達が出席するオープニングディナーで習近平(「Xi」;Xí Jìnpíng《シー
・ ジンピン》)は、彼がなぜ基本的に新彊ウイグル自治区で強制収容所(concentration
camps in Xinjiang)を築いていたかを(アメリカの農作物を購入することの引き換えの)
切り札に説明した。
米側のインタープリタ達によると、その中でトランプ氏が、(人権弾圧の)「『強制』収
容施設を造る(!?)。いいんじゃない。前向きに『正しいことだ』と肯定したことだっ
た。」というのである。
中国の新疆ウイグル自治区で多数のウイグル族住民が強制収容所へ送り込まれている問題
を軽視した安直な発言――。これこそが、マッチポンプで「サイモン&シュスター出版社」
が煽りたいことである。しかも、同出版社には、ボルトン氏に対するアドバンス(高額の
印税の前払料)があるため、後には引けない状態にある。
政権側は、「大きな貿易交渉の最中だった」からとWhite Houseが火消しに追われる事態
なのである。Washington Postや NY Timesも6月17日には、ボルトン氏自身の著名記事
が追随されている。
三つ目のポイント――「以上を踏まえて、俯瞰して言えること」
では、本著で炎上させたとして、11月の再選にむけたトランプ大統領を死地に追い込むこ
とができるであろうか?
2016年、トランプが大統領選に出馬したとき、むき出しの人種差別と外国人憎悪を繰り返
し、移民をけなし、アメリカとメキシコの国境を築くと言っていた。無謀なアイデアを選
挙の中枢にして、先進的な国家でそのような主張をすれば立候補を取り下げる事態に落ち
いったはず。ところが、実際はどうであろうか?
彼の開けっぴろげな外国人憎悪が白人国粋主義者を刺激し、彼等におおっぴらに人種差別
を叫ぶようになった。
トランプ発言一つを以て再選を阻むことにはならならないだろう。
問題なのは、今、リベラル左派民進党は、対立軸として黒人優越主義を以て極左集団アン
ティファがデモを煽り、トランプ陣営を攪乱している。シアトルはより深刻だ。
デモの目的である、黒人やヒスパニックの人々が充分に医療を受けられず致死率が高いこ
とに「なんとかしてくれ」の要望と無関係に、アンティファが無政府状態をいただくファ
シズム国家とも言えないトートロジー(=「彼等」の行動そのものが何よりファシズムの
象徴である)を生み出す。
いずれにしても、コミンテルンの後継組織の1つであろうが、トランプ大統領の再選を弱
体化する悪い方向に進んでいる。オバマ前政権の副大統領であったバイデンは親中派であ
り、習近平と仲が良い。
「オルタナ右翼」の支援を受けるトランプ再選に向かって、時計の針が逆回転する「オカ
ルト軸のカルト」の強みが急速に逓減し、ズレ始めているのである。
Bolton had some strong views on policy, including Obama’s nonsensical ‘pallets for cash’ ‘ Iranian deal which enabled Iran to develop a nuclear programme, He was disappointed when political announcements were made before policy agreements.He did not realise all presidents want to be their own foreign policy maker and reject good advice when it conflicts with a president’s view as George Ball found out when his advice on Vietnam was summarily rejected by Kennedy. Trump was so used to his commands being immediately accepted he never anticipated the potential for conflict between political appointees and careerist bureaucrats. Andrew Jackson introduced the spoils system as soon as he was elected Donald Trump did not.
In 1952 when Eisenhower became president a knowledgeable bureaucrat noted Ike would give orders, expect them to be implemented and get frustrated when they weren’t carried out. Ike regarded it as the Military-Industrial Complex. Trump experienced same problem. Decisions were often stymied because of his preference to consult as many people as possible. He delayed for a long time before authorising an airstrike on Syria despite pressure from the French. Had he followed Bolton’s advice the USA would probably be now in the middle of half a dozen wars across the globe. For Bolton body bags didn’t matter for Trump they did. Bolton’s time during his seventeen months as National Security Adviser is filled with a tone of revenge against a President who sussed him out as a self-obsessed expert out of his political depth. Bolton reads into Trump’s actions his own interpretations of what the President was saying rather than knowing what was in Trump’s mind.
Bolton’s priority was avoiding assumed disasters. Successful outcomes are anathema to him. As a strategist Bolton wanted to avoid conflict but when Iran attacked American installations in Iraq Trump ignored strategy and avenged the American dead. Obama would still be seeking an unfavourable deal. Trump asked those questions the careerists avoided such as what use is NATO? Why should America bear the heaviest cost of troop deployment in Europe? Bolton was against cancelling exercises in South Korea because Trump did not believe North Korea was a danger and properly fell within China’s sphere of influence. Unlike his predecessors he did not give any lasting concessions to the North.
Trump relies on instinct rather than strategy, career officials rely on the closeness of the next election. Bolton failed to control the National Security Council to provide the President with effective foreign policy options making it moot. When nothing adverse happened Trump regarded it as a vindication of his decision-making. Bolton is bitter that those policies differ from his own priorities. Bolton reveals confidences given to him by people who are still in the administration. If the White House was chaotic Bolton was instrumental in making it so.
His book is a mixture of the tedious and the slightly unhinged. In the chapter entitled,’Trump Loses His Way And Then His Nerve’. in reality he meant, ‘I wanted war, Trump didn’t and preferred consultation to confrontation’. Bolton didn’t get his way because Trump was more interested in political considerations than strategy. Bolton was jealous of the fact that he lacked the power of decision and he saw Trump as being a deal maker rather than a policy maker. He forgot that Winston Churchill once said, ‘Jaw Jaw is better than War, War’. If there was a dangerous person in the White House it was John Bolton.
Bolton was never in the room whenever Trump met Putin. His memoirs are based on bureaucratic notes not first hand information, although he peppers it with unacknowledged private conversations. One is left with the impression that Bolton has too high an opinion of himself and his place in history which will be less than a footnote, if that. The question is whether Bolton was ever that often in the room? Having made allegations against Trump Bolton refused to testify at the House impeachment hearings although he said he would attend if he was subpoenaed, knowing the Democrats would not do so.
Bolton leaves the chapter on Ukraine to the end, presumably to attempt to inflict the maximum damage. Such duplicity makes Nancy Pelosi seem like a paragon of virtue. Bolton’s judgemental account is full of bitterness, self-importance, bluster and he excuses his failure to reproduce Trump’s alleged words to Xi on the government’s prepublication review process. In the UK ministers would have had to leave the government before writing their self-serving memoirs. In the USA no such barriers exist.
Despite CNN’s claims Trump did not endorse the invasion of Iraq. As President, he wanted to reduce the number of American troops in Afghanistan to zero but was prevented from doing so by Pentagon careerists. Historians should always check their sources and there no doubt Yovanovitch did not represent the Trump administration’s priorities. Taken together with Bolton’s bias both served the interest of the National Security bureaucracy. The alleged Ukrainian call attacking Biden was not a transcript but compiled by NSC notetakers. Despite all the hoo-ha, Bolton knew nothing and added nothing to the misinformation from the NSC careerists. His final assessment of what will happen if Trump wins in November is not even primary school standard. Waste of money. Two stars.























