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Saul D. Alinsky

Rules for Radicals: A Practical Primer for Realistic Radicals Paperback – October 23, 1989

by Saul D. Alinsky (Author)

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First published in 1971, Rules for Radicals is Saul Alinsky's impassioned counsel to young radicals on how to effect constructive social change and know “the difference between being a realistic radical and being a rhetorical one.” Written in the midst of radical political developments whose direction Alinsky was one of the first to question, this volume exhibits his style at its best. Like Thomas Paine before him, Alinsky was able to combine, both in his person and his writing, the intensity of political engagement with an absolute insistence on rational political discourse and adherence to the American democratic tradition.

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“This country's leading hell-raiser...has set down some of the rules of the game. No one has had more experience or has been more successful at it than Alinsky.” —The Nation

“Alinsky's techniques and teachings influenced generations of community and labor organizers, including the church-based group hiring a young [Barack] Obama to work on Chicago's South Side in the 1980s.... Alinsky impressed a young [Hillary] Clinton, who was growing up in Park Ridge at the time Alinsky was the director of the Industrial Areas Foundation in Chicago.” —Chicago Sun-Times

“Alinsky is that rarity in American life, a superlative organizer, strategist, and tactician who is also a social philosopher.” —Charles E. Silberman

“He cannot be bought; he cannot be intimidated; and he breaks all the rules.” —The Economist (London)

“I consider him to be one of the few really great men of our century.” —Jacques Maritain

From the Inside Flap

This primers tells the "have-nots" how they can organize to achieve real political power for the practice of true democracy.

About the Author

Saul Alinsky was born in Chicago in 1909 and educated first in the streets of that city and then in its university. Graduate work at the University of Chicago in criminology introduced him to the Capone gang, and later to Joliet State Prison, where he studied prison life.

He founded what is known today as the Alinsky ideology and Alinsky concepts of mass organization for power. His work in organizing the poor to fight for their rights as citizens has been internationally recognized. In the late 1930s he organized the Back of the Yards area in Chicago (the neighborhood made famous in Upton Sinclair's The Jungle). Subsequently, through the Industrial Areas Foundation which he began in 1940, Mr. Alinsky and his staff helped to organize communities not only in Chicago but throughout the country. He later turned his attentions to the middle class, creating a training institute for organizers. He died in 1972.

Paperback: 224 pages
Publisher: Vintage (October 23, 1989)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 0679721134
ISBN-13: 978-0679721130
Product Dimensions: 5.2 x 0.6 x 8 inches
Shipping Weight: 8 ounces (View shipping rates and policies)
Customer Reviews: 1,086 customer reviews
Amazon Best Sellers Rank: #4,524 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #2 in Radical Political Thought
- #8 in Civics & Citizenship (Books)
- #6 in Political Advocacy Books

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Ben Franklin

A Must Read for Conservatives

June 30, 2018

Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase

If you want to know the tactics of the political left, you must read this book! Read it carefully, and once you understand it, you will know how to break it. The left uses theses tactics everyday, particularly in the media. If you understand their rules you will be less likely to fall into their traps and better able to defeat them in conversation, in communication, in appearance, in reputation, in policy, and frankly in life. "Know your enemy and know yourself; in a hundred battles you will never be in peril." -Sun Tzu 'The Art of War'. This book will teach you about the enemy.
P.S. If you are interested in researching the political left, the Communist Manifesto is also a must read!
Good Luck and God be with you!

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Amazon Customer

"Hope and Change" really means "divide and conquer".

November 21, 2018

Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase

I only wish that I would have read this book many years ago. The truth that every white man needs to know and understand because you are the target, you are being provoked at every possible opportunity and you are under a microscope. They are just waiting for your reaction. "Taking a knee" is a great example of what this book is all about. "Hope and Change" really means "divide and conquer". Now I understand why race relations have never improved.

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JustPlainBill

Machiavelli's missing manual?

October 7, 2018

Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase

For years, the radical left considered Saul Alinsky a soulmate. This book, published in 1971 just a year before he died, is still alternately admired or vilified by many across the political spectrum as the definitive playbook for aspiring political radicals who wish to organize opposition and engage in mass action. Alinsky himself is commonly considered a radical leftist, and his detractors consider him and many of the principles outlined in his book as unethical or hypocritical. However, the truth behind these now commonly accepted generalizations is a bit more nuanced.

First of all, Alinsky himself seems clear from the outset that he does not advocate for any particular ideology, and in fact says that he detests and fears dogma. And truly, the precepts outlined in this book could be used by almost any movement that believes it can put “people power” to work. These are not just rules for “radicals” as the title suggests. In fact, the passage of time has rendered this title almost obsolete, as the very term “radical” no longer means what it once did. One only needs to read Alinsky to see how different it has become over the last 50 years. It is truly a propaganda victory for radicals that most seem to consider anything good for the masses as an inherently “radical” cause.

When compared to the schemes, misinformation, and antics of today’s better known political figures, Alinsky reads like a veritable patriot in many places. When compared with many of today’s most prominent activists, he can sometimes sound almost like a voice of reason. Much of the book is given over to the central issues of effective human communication and organizing. In these respects, it is eminently rational. Consider the following from the Preface:

“…there are certain central concepts of action in human politics that operate regardless of the scene or the time…[that] …make the difference between being a realistic radical and being a rhetorical one who uses the tired old words and slogans, calls the police “pig” or “white fascist racist” or “motherf$%er.”…“Even the most elementary grasp of the fundamental idea that one communicates within the experience of his audience—and gives full respect to the other’s values—would have ruled out attacks on the American flag. The responsible organizer would have known that it is the establishment that has betrayed the flag while the flag, itself, remains the glorious symbol of America’s hopes and aspirations…”

Most of Alinsky’s detractors label him a moral relativist and claim he is unethical probably because of his position that the ends can always justify the means. In his own words: "This grasp of the duality of all phenomena is vital in our understanding politics. It frees one from the myth that one approach is positive and another negative. There is no such thing in life. One man's positive is another man's negative. The description of any procedure as "positive" or "negative" is the mark of a political illiterate." Chapter 2, “Of Means and Ends” gets into this issue in exquisite detail. Here Alinsky has included as illustrative of his views an interesting narrative about Mahatma Gandhi, and although some readers will not agree and may label it “rationalization,” it is a very realistic and persuasive discussion.

Chapter 5, “Communication,” contains some of the most important ideas in the book. One of the most important principles (alluded to above) is that “people only understand things in terms of their experience. When you can’t find the point in the others experience at which he can receive and understand, you must create the experience for him.”

In Chapter 7, “Tactics,” the reader will find the actual list of “rules” that the title alludes to. Strangely, I doubt that most readers will find these rules particularly controversial or immoral.

It is hard to tell whether Chapter 8, “The Genesis of Tactic Proxy,” is wrong or is merely poorly stated. Alinsky seems to suggest that all tactics are “accidental” or “response to reaction,” i.e., unplanned. What he may want to convey is the idea that some scenarios play out in unexpected ways, and one must take an opportunistic approach when a good moment presents itself.

In the final chapter, “The Way Ahead,” Alinsky makes an interesting observation that seems eerily relevant to the 2016 election cycle. He opines that even if all low income parts of the population were organized, they would still not be powerful enough to drive significant, basic, needed changes, and that they would need allies. He believes organizing the lower middle class is the obvious answer. He goes on to describe what he sees as their typical values (and it is somewhat depressing to realize how little has changed in the time since this was written). These are the so-called “deplorables” that were left behind and ended up swinging the 2016 election.

Regardless of political tendencies and what one may have read or heard about Saul Alinsky, this book is worth a read provided that it is read with a critical eye and a challenging attitude. It helps critical readers understand the tactics being deployed in the political arena, and also give them an interesting historical perspective on how much or little things have changed in the last 50 years.

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greg

Unbelievable - giving praise to Lucifer

January 8, 2019

Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase

It's always nice to have the enemies play Book. If you don't believe it, just read this, the far left radicals have been using these tactics on us for 40 years.

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Brig Young

Rules for Social Terrorists

March 21, 2018

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This is an amazing and eye opening book. Deep insights into the mentality of arrogant people who think they have some right to force others to comply with their arbitrary demands and social manipulations.

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Zachariah B. Brown

Contemporaries Seem to Be Lacking the Gear for this Kind of Activism

December 24, 2018

Format: Kindle EditionVerified Purchase

Saul Alinsky developed quite the reputation for himself in the 50s and 60s as a political organizer, at a time when American society was noticeably more cohesive, and where there was much better dependability of employment. His efforts were greatly focused on Civil Rights, the Anti-War movement, and unionization. In the fifty years since then, there have been entire generations of African-Americans who have left the previously segregated communities and have come to participate in a much more multi-racial middle class. Furthermore, the grand unifying movements of the 1960s have been replaced by a much more fragmented society where collective action seems to be increasingly difficult. Union membership, over the last 35 years, has declined from one in five in the workforce, to a little more than one in ten. With the precipitous decline in manufacturing work (following a similar trajectory, from about in one in five workers to a bit under one in ten), this suggests that much unionization remains present in the public sector, so that those workers enjoy both the amplified job security and benefits funding, along with the additional layer of advocacy afforded by the unions. While Alinsky was heavily involved with anti-war activism, that begs the question that military employment itself, which has traditionally been an avenue of employment stability out of the working class, has itself diminished over time. At the height of the Vietnam War, the total number of service members in Vietnam (about 550,000) was higher than the current number of service members on active duty with the Army alone. Throughout the private sector, jobs usually last under a decade and, while many still have well put together benefits packages, the defined benefit pension has all but completed disappeared. This has lead to an awkward situation where the public sector, funded obviously by tax levies on all workers regardless of sector, is actually preferable to the private sector for the average member of the workforce.

Toward the beginning of the book. Alinsky puts forth that much of his experience was among the bottom 40% of income earners (who would earn 30-60K per year in current dollars), and while that remains a very adequate income for a household of one person in the overwhelming majority of markets, that also clearly indicates that marriage and family has diminished sharply among those below the upper middle class. Elizabeth Warren has an excellent video entitled 'The Coming Collapse of the Middle Class' where she runs the numbers for households of like composition in 1970 and 2005. The cost of housing alone has close to doubled, day care was not a thing in the early 70s, forty years ago completing a bachelors degree in almost any subject was a worthwhile project (where as now the cost has increased by 250%, again adjusting for inflation, and frequently graduates are encumbered by debt that averages over $30,000 for degrees in the social sciences and liberal arts that generally do not have a clearcut home in the real economy).

Alinsky describes that 'the responsible organizer would have known that it is the establshment that has betrayed the flag, while the flag, itself, remains the glorious symbol of America's hopes and dreams.' While there are still many millions of Americans who remain quite patriotic, those hopes and dreams are increasingly out of reach in a much more fragmented work force and society. English language fluency itself, while still a reality for the overwhelming majority of Americans, is increasingly challenged by the larger and larger Mexican subculture that does not see itself as wholly American. Vast swaths of the southern border territory have become majority Spanish-speaking and ever as far north as Yakima, WA one can find large municipalities that are 30% hispanic. This is not that people of those backgrounds cannot be fully functioning members of American society, but that the sheer cultural force of these numbers is changing what it means to be American.

Alinsky goes on to describe that 'any revolutionary change must be preceded by a passive, affirmative, non-challenging attitude toward change among the mass of our people. They must feel so frustrated, so defeated, so lost, so futureless in the prevailing system that they are willing to let go of the past and chance the future.' This nation has travelled relatively deeply into this phase of cultural and linguistic separation that over the next two or three generations could imperil the sovereign integrity of the US.

Furthermore, this citzenry has already travelelled beyond the 'security of familiar experience.' This is a time of low unemployment, and we are already witnessng increasing rates of mass casualty incidents, and the disruptive activities of the Black Likes Matter movement in recent years. BLM seems to have gone so far as to advocate for violence against police officers. While the DJIA is approaching 20% of its most recent highs, thus suggesting a bear market could be in the works, any related losses in the work force could easily be six or twelve months away. With the unemployment rate currently a bit below 4%, it is not pleasant to imagine how much social protest and mass casualty incidents will take place when the unemployment rate is just 6% (which would approximate the unemployment rate during the dot-com downturn, which was not even technically a recession). Fifty years ago, people generally were somewhat more disciplined, somewhat better integrated into actual, real-time communities, and employment was generally longer-lasting and provided better purchasing power.

To quote Alinsky directly: 'citizen participation is the animating spirit and force in a society predicated on voluntarism.' In the last eighteen months, Bret Weinstein, by any stretch a liberal democrat with a deep commitment to the progressive left as he understood/understands it, was essentially driven from a tenured faculty position at Evergreen State College in Washington State. He had communicated some principled disagreements to a 'day of absence' where non-hispanic whites were actively encouraged to not be on campus for a day, via a distribution list to faculty and student leadership. For two or three days, the campus was taken over by student mobs, the senior-ranking administrator instructed the campus PD to disarm and stand down, and somewhat later Weinstein's wife was also pressured to leave. By any stretch, Weinstein was and remains an active citizen dedicated to 'the democratic dream of equality, justice, peace, cooperation, equal and full opportunities for education, full and useful employment, health, and the creation of those circumstances in which man can have the chance to live by values that give meaning to life.'

This really does seem to be a time when the political left, with movements such as BLM mentioned above, and also Antifa, is becoming deeply undemocratic. While Alinsky clarified that 'it is a world not of angels but of angles, where men speak of moral principles but act on power principles; a world where we are always moral and our enemies always immoral,' these groups do not seem to have an end-state in mind. While I am not at all conflating the perspective of someone like Weinstein with the agenda of the Unite the Right Rally, it is perhaps ironic that the organizers of the UTR Rally were very careful to file all the correct paperwork, get the needed permissions, and even sought out the guidance of the ACLU, and then these law-abiding right-wing whites were subjected to the mob violence of the counter-protestors. Since when do civil libertarian left-wing jews and ACLU-consulting white ethnonationalists get subjected to the same type of harrassment from left-wing movements and mobs?

Alinsky goes on to describe that 'the man of action views the issue of means and ends in pragmatic and strategic terms. He has no other problem; he thinks only of his actual resources and the possibilities of various choices of action. He asks of ends only whether they are achievable and worth the cost; of means, only whether they will work. To say that corrupt means corrupt the ends is to believe in the immaculate conception of ends and principles. The real arena is corrupt and bloody.' Certainly, what happened at Evergreen State and at the Unite The Right Rally were bloody messes, and yet it seems that the antagonists were lacking in any strategic aim. There was no aim but to silence the opposition by any means necessary; of all things Bret Weinstein has become a regular with center-right commentators like Tucker Carlson, Joe Rogen, and David Rubin. Weinstein has started discussing the development of an 'intellectual dark web' of people who have become increasingly disenfranchised from the authoritarian left.

Pertinent examples are given for the pragmatic tactics that are consistent with Alinksy's method, such as Lincoln's suspension of habeas corpus, refusal to emancipate slaves in states where he actually had control, incarceration of political opponents, and usage of military tribunals to make judicial decisions. Similarly, he gives the example that the Indian federal government criminalized the kind of passive resistance that Gandhi's movement had practiced shortly after Indian independence. With that said, none of that is with the political left devouring its own or with ardent right-wingers consulting with a flagship civil liberties organization. There is no apparent strategy here except to shut up the opposition.

This book does not advocate simply for civil discourse: 'Power is the very essence, the very dyname of life. It is the power of the heart pumping blood, and sustaining life in the body. It is the power of actual citizen participation pulsing upward, providing a unified strength for a common purpose.' This type of unified action is less and less feasible in contemporary circumstances. Employment situations are too fragile, the wages earned are sorely needed to cover debt repayments and escalating housing expenses, the citizenry is increasingly diverse (unless the activist is a well-integrated, and *bilingual* schizoid, but then rally speeches will take all the longer), people are able to escape into their own on-line enclaves, the mass protest movements seem to be taken out of Idiocracy, and lacking the frustration tolerance to cope with anything Alinsky had been discussing.

The characteristics of the talented organizer are given as: curiosity, irreverence, imagination, a sense of humor, a bit of a blurred vision for a better world, an organized personality, a well-integrated political schizoid, ego, a free and open mind (and political relativity), constantly creating the new out of the old, and communication. This last one is particularly important, and all the more challenging in contemporary America. There is simply far greater diversity than was the case a half century ago. The building of a broad-based political coalition is therefore more demanding, and arguably vast swaths of the American populace are too intimidated by the realities of their circumstances to organize for positive change (as discussed above, with the duplicity of employment, diminished purchasing power, increased escapism, and increasing linguistic diversity). Rapport with one's constituency is very important and also more difficult to achieve. Alinsky also argued for a sharply self-critical tendency, so as to build an increasingly effective movement. What such a movement would be right now is up in the air (perhaps broad-based advocacy for those in their mid-thirties through the mid-fifties to reshape the retirement and health care schemes, which are increasingly untenable, such as the replacement of defined benefit pensions with defined-contribution 401K and 403B plans; that still begs the question, though, of people willing to put their necks out when employment itself is that much more uncertain).

The author of this book provides some important clarification: 'An issue then is something you can do something about, but as long as you feel powerless and unable to do anything about it, all you have is a bad scene.' Consistent with the discussion above, much of American society seems like a bad scene. Alinsky was advocating for a strategically minded, self-correcting movement for social change, and much of the attention span of the citizenry seems too collapsed for this. Along these lines, Alinsky describes that jail terms of activists that exceed sixty days have two risks: 1.the revolutionary is removed from action for so long that he loses touch; 2.if you are gone long enough everybody forgets. Perhaps this timeframe could be reduced to thirty days for the same guidance to apply, because with instant access to information people generally have less patience and a reduced time horizon for commitment to a social change movement. This is sad because with the increased damage to the middle class there is increased consolidation of financial assets with the 1% and vast portions of the workforce are clinging tenaciously to what work and resources they have in order to avoid hardship

Moving on, the income ranges for different socio-economic tiers can be translated into current dollars: 40-75K for the lower middle class, 75-125K for the middle middle class, and 125K-200K for the upper middle class. A simple inflation adjustment does not include the other factors mentioned, such as housing cost, education cost, reduced retirement prospects, increased indebtedness from education and consumer credit purchases, and the curtailed length any individual job will last. To a fair extent, Alinsky seems to have been assuming an underlying stability to the American economy and society that permitted a lot of the activities in which her participated fifty years ago. That was not a time when white collar work could be outsourced to another continent, and the majority of people with jobs could assume coverage by pension programs. There is a certain courage his approach took, and that type of courage may well be lacking in this day and age.

Alinsky gives a detailed description of the lower middle class that is worth repeating here (and remember this book was published in 1971): With a few exceptions, such as teachers, they have never gone beyond high school. They have been committed to the values of success, getting ahead, security, have their 'own' home, auto, color TV, and friends. Their lives have been 90 percent unfulfilled dreams. To escape their frustration they grasp at a last hope that their children will get that college education and realize those unfulfilled dreams. They are a fearful people, who feel threatened from all sides: the nightmare of pending retirement and old age with a social security decimated by inflation; the shadow of unemployment from a slumping economy, with blacks, already fearsome because the culture conflict, threatening job competition; the high cost of long-term illness; and finally with mortgages outstanding, they dread the possibility of property devaluation from non-whites moving into their neighborhood. They are best by taxes on incomes, food, real estate, and automobiles, at all levels - city, state, and national. Seduced by their values into installment buying, they find themselves barely able to meet long-term payments, let alone the current cost of living. Victimized by TV commercials with their fraudulent claims for food and medical products, they watch the news between the commercial with Senate committee hearings showing that the purchase of these products is largely a waste of their hard-earned money. Repeated financial crises result from accidents that they thought they were insured against only to experience the fine-print evasions of one of our most shocking confidence rackets of today, the insurance racket. Their pleasures are simple: gardening a tiny back yard behind a small house, bungalow, or ticky-tacky, in a monotonous subdivision on the fringe of suburbs; going on a Sunday drive out to the country, having a once-a-week dinner out at some place like a Howard Johnson's. Many of the so-called hard hats, police, fire, sanitation workers, schoolteachers, and much of the civil service, mechanics, electricians, janitors, and semiskilled workers are in this class.'

Please take into consideration that this profiles a lower middle class that was characterized by much greater stability than is generally the case today. The overwhelming majority of people got married relatively young and frequently stay married; divorce was relatively rare and an out-of-wedlock birth was similarly rare and met with considerable shame, both among blacks and whites. A single income earner could afford a consistent, albeit austere middle-class life. That is far from the case today. The majority of births in the black community are out of wedlock, the rate of illegitimacy among whites now exceeds that of blacks from fifty years ago, employers change every five or eight years, both blacks and whites are concerned about an increasing tendency away from an English-speaking worforce and society. These days fewer people get married, people generally get married later in life, the number of workers per social security recipient is collapsing (the Social Security Administration is forecasting that at some point in the 2030s or 2040s that less than 80% of expected benefits will be paid due to shortfalls from payroll taxes, and that has nothing to do with inflation). People are living longer and that exacerbates the cost of health coverage, more people are obese which comes with its own health risks.

Long story short, this books seems like a curiosity from a previous era when people had a stronger sense of hope and when the United States was more resilient, socially, economically, and politically. While there were definite concerns back then, in some ways greater than today, the overall structural changes in the society and economy do not seem as amenable to this tenacious, thoughtful form of activism. America is much more diverse, the middle class is much more frail, people generally live more isolated lives, people cling desperately to the jobs that they have with diminished purchasing power and prospects for old age, people lead their lives with a shorter time horizon, and the broad unifying movements seem to be lacking. Of all possible situations, where the white ethnonationalists of the Unite the Right Rally were careful, law-abiding, and sought the guidance of the ACLU, and the thuggery of Antifa received broader support. As mentioned above, with unemployment at one of its lowest points in the last few years there is still an increasing tendency toward mass casualty incidents and feckless racial populism. As a nation, what are we going to be facing when the unemployment rate is 6%?

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Four Stars

June 16, 2018

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a scary view into a warped mind. a must read too.

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