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Science of Coercion: Communication Research and Psychological Warfare, 1945-1960 Reprint Edition
Christopher Simpson contends that it is unlikely that communication research could have emerged into its present form without regular transfusions of money from U.S military, intelligence, and propaganda agencies during the Cold War. These agencies saw mass communication as an instrument for persuading or dominating targeted groups in the United States and abroad; as a tool for improving military operations; and perhaps most fundamentally, as a means to extend the U.S. influence more widely than ever before at a relatively modest cost. Communication research, in turn, became for a time the preferred method for testing and developing such techniques. Science of Coercion uses long-classified documents to probe the contributions made by prominent mass communication researchers such as Wilbur Schramm, Ithiel de Sola Pool, and others, then details the impact of psychological warfare projects on widely held preconceptions about social science and the nature of communication itself.
A fascinating case study in the history of science and the sociology of knowledge, Science of Coercion offers valuable insights into the dynamics of ideology and the social psychology of communication.
- ISBN-100195102924
- ISBN-13978-0195102925
- EditionReprint
- PublisherOxford University Press
- Publication dateMarch 14, 1996
- LanguageEnglish
- Dimensions8.19 x 0.56 x 5.45 inches
- Print length224 pages
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- Publisher : Oxford University Press; Reprint edition (March 14, 1996)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 224 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0195102924
- ISBN-13 : 978-0195102925
- Lexile measure : 1830L
- Item Weight : 9.2 ounces
- Dimensions : 8.19 x 0.56 x 5.45 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #366,677 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #198 in Trade
- #922 in Communication & Media Studies
- #1,515 in Social Sciences (Books)
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The connections the author makes for the reader in terms of seeing the big picture are extremely valuable and warrants a high rating alone.
Highly recommended.
The search for the push button millennium continues and with the hindsight of a post Covid, post IG Hororwitz Russiagate Report, post Assange, post Selfish Ledger, world - this book is good for context.
For inquirers who are interested, Simpson not only makes reference to the usual suspects, the Frankfurt School and the Congress for Cultural Freedom - but also "reformed" Bolsheviks like James Burnham.
Anyway, the reading list is far too long, but if you like Sociology and like James Burnham's Machiavellians, Stonor Sanders' Cultural Cold War, Quigley's Tragedy & Hope, Rene Wormser's Foundations and all the myriad of books that chronicle the National Security State from Miles Copeland's work to Zbig B, Glennon's Double Government, books about Truman, NSC, Church Committee and on and on... at a certain point you should have a pretty good idea of how things are ran around here.
This book is unique in that it has extensive sources, lots of footnotes - it is good for those of us who connect the dots from 1861 all the way to 1898, 1912, and on to the New Deal (see Schivelbusch), the WWII version of the New Deal, and then the institutionalization of what grew out of the New Deal and WWII up to today. Simpson chronicles the period fairly well and allows a person well read on the subject to connect the dots.
Simpson's book presents no data anywhere to support even one of those claims. On the other hand, UN, World Bank, and Amnesty International data showed those claims false. People in these countries in 1994 were richer, more democratic, freer, and in better health than they were from 1945--1960. As for the charge of "rapacious, destructive, tolerant of genocide," Simpson's bald assessment of the United States in 1994 was not balanced by even a single negative word about the counterpart Cold War roles of the Soviet Union, Communist China, North Korea, or North Vietnam. An uninformed reader of Simpson's book would never know about the psychological warfare of the first fifteen years of the Cold War, or that these latter countries even practiced propaganda or psychological warfare from 1945--1960.
A few facts indicate Simpson's biased and false assessment of the United States role in the period from 1945 to 1960. Take his assertion of "poorer spiritually." When roll was taken in the Philippine Army, the name "Douglas MacArthur" was read, and a sergeant responded, "Present in spirit." This tradition, fifty years after the general strode ashore at Leyte, symbolizes the security, self-reliance, and national pride that the United States helped to bring to many on the Cold War battlefields Simpson noted.
Take the charge of "worse health." The American occupation's post-World War II public health programs in Japan saved more lives (2.1 million--relative pre-1945 mortality) from communicable diseases than all of Japan's wartime battle deaths and three times as many as Japan's civilian losses to the wartime bombing.
Many East Europeans firmly believe that they owe their present security from Soviet domination and their independence from communist dictatorship in great measure to United States psychological warfare. One such East European is Vaclav Havel, who stopped his motorcade in Washington personally to thank the employees at the Voice of America (VOA). Another is Lech Walesa. Yet another is Boris Yeltsin, who faxed his thanks to VOA for its help during the 1991 attempted coup.
Ironically, much of what Simpson asserted about 1945-1960 has come to pass in the consequences of US propaganda from 2001-2007. "The pursuit of security" has "grown ever more remote" in these more recent times. Many of the charges Simpson made with weaker support for 1945-1960 US propaganda effects are now clearly apparent in the results of 2001-2007 US propaganda. Indeed, we are less secure, less trusted, less respected (but perhaps more feared) in 2007 than in 2000.
So while Simpson's conclusions on United States psychological warfare from 1945-1960 cannot be accepted at face value, especially his claim that the lessening of security in that time frame, his concerns (if not his scholarship) were prescient and should inform our assessments of US propaganda today. While this book is an anti-United States polemic, its author's concerns are real and should be shared today by many. Some of his arguments and rationale might inform an examination of propaganda and public diplomacy in the Bush Administration and their effects on US security and world stability. [Originally reviewed in "Journal of Interdisciplinary History"]
There used to be some.
Reading this book will immediately tell you why that curiosity has been smothered. It is a crucial book for all students of Cold War history and anyone curious about how power works in the 21st century.







