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Science of Coercion: Communication Research and Psychological Warfare, 1945-1960 Reprint Edition

4.2 4.2 out of 5 stars 55 ratings

Science of Coercion provides the first thorough examination of the role of the CIA, the Pentagon, and other U.S. security agencies in the evolution of modern communication research, a field in the social sciences which crystallized into a distinct discipline in the early 1950s. Government-funded psychological warfare programs underwrote the academic triumph of preconceptions about communication that persist today in communication studies, advertising research, and in counterinsurgency operations.

Christopher Simpson contends that it is unlikely that communication research could have emerged into its present form without regular transfusions of money from U.S military, intelligence, and propaganda agencies during the Cold War. These agencies saw mass communication as an instrument for persuading or dominating targeted groups in the United States and abroad; as a tool for improving military operations; and perhaps most fundamentally, as a means to extend the U.S. influence more widely than ever before at a relatively modest cost. Communication research, in turn, became for a time the preferred method for testing and developing such techniques.
Science of Coercion uses long-classified documents to probe the contributions made by prominent mass communication researchers such as Wilbur Schramm, Ithiel de Sola Pool, and others, then details the impact of psychological warfare projects on widely held preconceptions about social science and the nature of communication itself.

A fascinating case study in the history of science and the sociology of knowledge,
Science of Coercion offers valuable insights into the dynamics of ideology and the social psychology of communication.
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Editorial Reviews

Review

"An intriguing picture of the relations between state power and the intellectual community...."--Noam Chomsky, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

"An original and important contribution...."--Science

Book Description

"Original and important."--Science

Product details

  • Publisher ‏ : ‎ Oxford University Press; Reprint edition (March 14, 1996)
  • Language ‏ : ‎ English
  • Paperback ‏ : ‎ 224 pages
  • ISBN-10 ‏ : ‎ 0195102924
  • ISBN-13 ‏ : ‎ 978-0195102925
  • Lexile measure ‏ : ‎ 1830L
  • Item Weight ‏ : ‎ 9.2 ounces
  • Dimensions ‏ : ‎ 8.19 x 0.56 x 5.45 inches
  • Customer Reviews:
    4.2 4.2 out of 5 stars 55 ratings

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Christopher Simpson
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Customer reviews

4.2 out of 5 stars
4.2 out of 5
55 global ratings

Top reviews from the United States

Reviewed in the United States on September 21, 2020
The author’s writing style is some of the most concise I’ve ever read when dealing with history genre. The book doesn’t mince words and it concentrates on the most relevant aspects of the information to back up the authors claims.

The connections the author makes for the reader in terms of seeing the big picture are extremely valuable and warrants a high rating alone.

Highly recommended.
9 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on March 24, 2020
Education
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Reviewed in the United States on April 17, 2024
Regardless of the author's bias, he at least gives mention to the Reece Committee. Notwithstanding, Simpson does make an effort to discuss the legacy of this time period and gives a fair context that the center is only interested in left and right insofar as it is useful to perpetuate the "paradigm of dominance" referenced in the book.

The search for the push button millennium continues and with the hindsight of a post Covid, post IG Hororwitz Russiagate Report, post Assange, post Selfish Ledger, world - this book is good for context.

For inquirers who are interested, Simpson not only makes reference to the usual suspects, the Frankfurt School and the Congress for Cultural Freedom - but also "reformed" Bolsheviks like James Burnham.

Anyway, the reading list is far too long, but if you like Sociology and like James Burnham's Machiavellians, Stonor Sanders' Cultural Cold War, Quigley's Tragedy & Hope, Rene Wormser's Foundations and all the myriad of books that chronicle the National Security State from Miles Copeland's work to Zbig B, Glennon's Double Government, books about Truman, NSC, Church Committee and on and on... at a certain point you should have a pretty good idea of how things are ran around here.

This book is unique in that it has extensive sources, lots of footnotes - it is good for those of us who connect the dots from 1861 all the way to 1898, 1912, and on to the New Deal (see Schivelbusch), the WWII version of the New Deal, and then the institutionalization of what grew out of the New Deal and WWII up to today. Simpson chronicles the period fairly well and allows a person well read on the subject to connect the dots.
Reviewed in the United States on May 30, 2019
You won't regret it.
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Reviewed in the United States on April 20, 2007
This is a bad book. It is full of sly innuendo, tabloid reporting, and blatant propaganda: scholasticism posing as scholarship. A quotation and some facts suffice to indicate the degree of its bias. The quotation is the book's conclusion: "The role of the United States in world affairs during our lifetimes [circa 1994] has often been rapacious, destructive, tolerant of genocide, and willing to sacrifice countless people in the pursuit of a chimera of security that has grown ever more remote" (116--117). That is it. Simpson offers no balance, no counterpoint. He states that the people of the "principal battlegrounds" of the Cold War (he lists the Philippines, Turkey, Indonesia, Panama, and the former Soviet Union) are "poorer today both materially and spiritually, less democratic, less free, and often living in worse health and greater terror" than before the superpower confrontation (116). Ironically, Simpson's conclusion in 1994 is, in my view false, but it is also largely true when applied to current US world affairs.

Simpson's book presents no data anywhere to support even one of those claims. On the other hand, UN, World Bank, and Amnesty International data showed those claims false. People in these countries in 1994 were richer, more democratic, freer, and in better health than they were from 1945--1960. As for the charge of "rapacious, destructive, tolerant of genocide," Simpson's bald assessment of the United States in 1994 was not balanced by even a single negative word about the counterpart Cold War roles of the Soviet Union, Communist China, North Korea, or North Vietnam. An uninformed reader of Simpson's book would never know about the psychological warfare of the first fifteen years of the Cold War, or that these latter countries even practiced propaganda or psychological warfare from 1945--1960.

A few facts indicate Simpson's biased and false assessment of the United States role in the period from 1945 to 1960. Take his assertion of "poorer spiritually." When roll was taken in the Philippine Army, the name "Douglas MacArthur" was read, and a sergeant responded, "Present in spirit." This tradition, fifty years after the general strode ashore at Leyte, symbolizes the security, self-reliance, and national pride that the United States helped to bring to many on the Cold War battlefields Simpson noted.

Take the charge of "worse health." The American occupation's post-World War II public health programs in Japan saved more lives (2.1 million--relative pre-1945 mortality) from communicable diseases than all of Japan's wartime battle deaths and three times as many as Japan's civilian losses to the wartime bombing.

Many East Europeans firmly believe that they owe their present security from Soviet domination and their independence from communist dictatorship in great measure to United States psychological warfare. One such East European is Vaclav Havel, who stopped his motorcade in Washington personally to thank the employees at the Voice of America (VOA). Another is Lech Walesa. Yet another is Boris Yeltsin, who faxed his thanks to VOA for its help during the 1991 attempted coup.

Ironically, much of what Simpson asserted about 1945-1960 has come to pass in the consequences of US propaganda from 2001-2007. "The pursuit of security" has "grown ever more remote" in these more recent times. Many of the charges Simpson made with weaker support for 1945-1960 US propaganda effects are now clearly apparent in the results of 2001-2007 US propaganda. Indeed, we are less secure, less trusted, less respected (but perhaps more feared) in 2007 than in 2000.

So while Simpson's conclusions on United States psychological warfare from 1945-1960 cannot be accepted at face value, especially his claim that the lessening of security in that time frame, his concerns (if not his scholarship) were prescient and should inform our assessments of US propaganda today. While this book is an anti-United States polemic, its author's concerns are real and should be shared today by many. Some of his arguments and rationale might inform an examination of propaganda and public diplomacy in the Bush Administration and their effects on US security and world stability. [Originally reviewed in "Journal of Interdisciplinary History"]
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Reviewed in the United States on October 12, 2015
Good, thanks
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Reviewed in the United States on February 17, 2014
This book is something no longer permitted: a historical approach to the development of Communications Research. In our day, this topic is off limits. You can tell because there are no longer ANY middle brow books being published on communications research these days.

There used to be some.

Reading this book will immediately tell you why that curiosity has been smothered. It is a crucial book for all students of Cold War history and anyone curious about how power works in the 21st century.
28 people found this helpful
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Reviewed in the United States on August 12, 2020
How is this so ridiculously expensive
4 people found this helpful
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Top reviews from other countries

Ian Hazlewood
5.0 out of 5 stars Five Stars
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on March 28, 2015
A must read
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