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Seven Sins of American Foreign Policy Paperback – June 19, 2006
Johnson's compelling insight isolates seven key foreign policy issues that are at the root of America's problematic global image, causing an alarming loss of allies across the globe:
Ignorance
Veneration of the president
Militarism
Unilateralism
Isolationism
Lack of empathy
Arrogance
- Print length176 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherLongman
- Publication dateJune 19, 2006
- Dimensions5.5 x 0.75 x 7.75 inches
- ISBN-100321397940
- ISBN-13978-0321397942
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- Publisher : Longman (June 19, 2006)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 176 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0321397940
- ISBN-13 : 978-0321397942
- Item Weight : 13.6 ounces
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 0.75 x 7.75 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #5,401,722 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #4,134 in International Diplomacy (Books)
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First of all, the introductory chapter presents a truly excellent overview of the history of American foreign policy from the founding of the republic to the present day. It is succinct, and doesn't get bogged down in unnecessary details; yet it is thorough and nuanced enough to provide readers with a good understanding of how American foreign policy has developed over the years -- what has remained constant, what has changed, and what forces have shaped America's relations with the rest of the world. After this excellent introduction, Johnson turns to his critique of American foreign policy; focusing on seven "sins" that have plagued American foreign policy throughout recent history, and devoting a chapter to each: 1) Ignorance; 2) Executive Branch Dominance; 3) Excessive Emphasis on the Military; 4) Unilateralism; 5) Isolationism; 6) Lack of Empathy; and 7) Arrogance. In his concluding chapter Johnson identifies "the good, the bad, and the ugly" of American foreign policy since the end of World War II -- i.e. where we got it right, where we got it wrong, and where we shot ourselves in the foot. You may not agree with all of Johnson's conclusions; but you cannot dismiss the importance of his critique. The issues that Johnson addresses represent the most salient debates in American foreign policy today.
Johnson tries to be evenhanded; giving credit where he believes credit is due, and criticism where he believes criticism is due, in a non-partisan and non-ideological manner. This is neither a harangue against, nor a paean for, any particular president, party, or political philosophy. Johnson has plenty of constructive criticism to spread around; acknowledging the foreign policy blunders of every president since the end of the Second World War. But he is also quite willing to recognize the good along with the bad. While he is highly critical of the Bush Doctrine, the war in Iraq, and the neoconservative approach to foreign policy, he is no Bush basher. His view of American foreign policy under the Bush administration is mixed -- more negative than positive, perhaps; but not entirely negative by a long shot. The same could be said for his view of American foreign policy under the Clinton administration, the Reagan administration, the Carter administration, etc. He is not an apologist for any administration, recognizing that all American presidents have been guilty of the "sins" he identifies.
Johnson advocates a pragmatic foreign policy that will advance American interests without provoking unnecessary conflict or animosity abroad. He is neither a quixotic idealist nor a coldblooded realist. Rather, he steers a prudent middle course -- one that is consistent with our core values, but that is cognizant of the realities of the world we live in, and of the extent and limits of our power. Johnson makes a good argument in support of his conclusions; but he also gives a fair shake to opposing points of view. You may not agree with all of Johnson's conclusions; but you should find his discussion very thought provoking. This book is ideal as a catalyst for discussion; and would be very suitable for classroom use. I plan to use this book in my own foreign policy courses; and would certainly recommend it to anyone interested in American foreign policy.
The introduction gives a short history of the United States, from the Revolutionary War to Iraq. (It seems that the pre-Spanish-American War U.S. wasn't as "isolationist" or "inward-looking" as is commonly thought).
The first sin is ignorance, or lack of awareness of other places in the world. Americans do badly at map-reading and geography, balk at learning foreign languages (especially "hard" but strategically crucial languages such as Arabic, Farsi and Chinese), and lack (or do not seek) meaningful media coverage of important events outside the U.S. This knowledge deficit has spread to government agencies too. It is difficult to find people who can reliably translate Arabic or Farsi, or are familiar enough with Middle Eastern culture in order to be able to do proper intelligence work in the Middle East. The right intelligence could have helped prevent the 9/11 attacks, or kept us from invading Iraq.
The second sin is "Executive Branch Dominance". This chapter is subtitled "The President as Superhero", and indeed, there has been much veneration of the office of President of the United States, as well as whoever holds that office at any particular time. Americans tend to forget, however, that the power of the President is Constitutionally limited (by design). Presidents (and the executive branch staff) have occasionally overstepped their bounds, or shut Congress (and others) out of foreign policy decisions (ex. Vietnam, Iran-Contra, and to some extent the 1991 and 2003 Iraqi invasions). At times, it has been considered "unpatriotic" to ever criticize the President.
Next is "Excessive Emphasis on the Military". A military response to a world crisis is just one of the possible tools that the United States has to offer. Diplomacy (including "public diplomacy", or presenting/promoting American culture and ideals), intelligence, foreign aid, trade decisions (ranging from most-favored-nation status to embargoes and boycotts) can be utilized to head off a major conflict. But the US has over-relied on (and over-funded) military solutions to the neglect of other possible decisions. Our big nuclear arsenal might have helped us win the Cold War, but it is useless against suicide bombers. President Eisenhower's sage remarks about the "Military-Industrial Complex" still ring true today,
Next is "Unilateralism". Wryly subtitled "How to Lose Friends and Alienate People", this chapter describes America's propensity to "go it alone" rather than working with other nations. Examples include the 2003 Iraq War, the Vietnam War, Cuba (attempts to assassinate Castro), and Central America. Trade protectionism and refusal to work with other nations on global environmental and human dignity issues also contribute to at least the perception that America wants to go it alone.
Hand-in-hand with unilateralism is isolationism, or retreating from the problems of the world. Isolationism is somewhat ingrained in US culture; Thomas Jefferson himself warned about "entangling alliances" with other nations. Both US leadership and public opinion strongly support US actions such as "Protecting US Jobs" or "Protecting US Business abroad" while "Strengthening the United Nations" or "Spreading Democracy" have weaker support. The US is also taking heat for not supporting international treaties, such as the Kyoto global warming treaty, and the International Criminal Court. Although the author admits there are some problems with these treaties, the United States' unwillingness to even discuss these issues with other countries paints it squarely as an isolationist.
"Lack of Empathy" describes US (both leaders and public) seeming lack of concern for the poorer nations. Five out of six people in the world live in a developing nation; poverty and disease are rampant in many of them.
Many of these problems could be easily dealt with if the US would spend more (and less on arms). Here the author gets a bit preachy, although he does admit that just sending money to poor countries isn't necessarily the only answer (corruption, possible harm to developing economies, and local US needs have raised questions about foreign aid).
Finally, we come to "Arrogance". After the 2003 Iraq war, and the rise of worldwide anti-American feeling displayed around the world, some Americans wondered "Why do they hate us"? Well, this didn't necessarily start with the Iraq War. Frompre-Revolutionary War times onward, many Americans have believed that their country was something exceptional, different than the rest of the world. As the US gained in strength, not only militarily but economically and culturally as well (for example, American music and media products are all over the world), other nations came to resent it at various levels, for a number of reasons. Covert military actions (such as attempts to assassinate Castro), atrocities such as Abu Ghraib, or just out-and-out callousness toward other nations (such as the handling of the ski lift accident in Cavalese, Italy in 2000) as well as attempts to "remake" other countries in "America's image" have hurt the image of the United States instead.
The book concludes with ideas as to how America can improve its foreign policy. (basically, by not doing any of the "sins"). Each of America's foreign policy decisions since 1945, whether military, economic, diplomatic or covert is described as "good" or "bad" and explained.
What I liked about this book was that it was non-partisan. Each Presidential administration has good and bad points and these are carefully described. I didn't get the feeling, unlike several other books, that there was a underlying partisan point that the author was trying to get across (often exemplified by who and what was *not* talked about, or glossed over).


