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The Shadow University: The Betrayal Of Liberty On America's Campuses Paperback – September 22, 1999
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Universities once believed themselves to be sacred enclaves, where students and professors could debate the issues of the day and arrive at a better understanding of the human condition. Today, sadly, this ideal of the university is being quietly betrayed from within. Universities still set themselves apart from American society, but now they do so by enforcing their own politically correct worldview through censorship, double standards and a judicial system without due process. Faculty and students who threaten the prevailing norms may be forced to undergo "thought reform."In a surreptitious about-face, universities have become the enemy of a free society, and the time has come to hold these institutions to account.
The Shadow University is a stinging indictment of the covert system of justice on college campuses, exposing the widespread reliance of n kangaroo courts and arbitrary punishment to coerce students and faculty into conformity. Alan Charles Kors and Harvey A. Silverglate, staunch civil libertarians and active defenders of free inquiry on campus, lay bare the totalitarian mindset that undergirds speech codes, conduct codes, and "campus life" bureaucracies, through which a cadre of deans and counselors indoctrinate students and faculty in an ideology that favors group rights over individual rights, sacrificing free speech and academic freedom to spare the sensitivities of currently favored groups.
From Maine to California, at public and private universities alike, liberty and fairness are the first casualties as teachers and students find themselves in the dock, presumed guilty until proven innocent and often forbidden to cross-examine their accusers. Kors and Silverglate introduce us to many of those who have firsthand experience of The Shadow University, including:
- The student at the center of the 1993 "Water Buffalo" case at the University of Pennsylvania who was brought up on charges of racial harassment after calling a group of rowdy students "water buffalo" -- even though the terms has no racial connotations.
- The Catholic residence adviser who was fired for refusing, on the grounds of religious conscience, to wear a symbol of lesbian and gay causes
- The professor who was investigated for sexual harassment when he disagreed with campus feminists about curriculum issues
- The student who was punished for laughing at a statement deemed offensive to others and who was ordered to undergo "sensitivity training" as a result.
The Shadow University unmasks a chilling reality for parent who entrust their sons and daughters to the authority of such institutions, for thinking people who recognize that vigorous debate is the only sure path to truth, and for all Americans who realize that when even one citizen is deprived of liberty, we are all diminished.
- Print length432 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherHarper Perennial
- Publication dateSeptember 22, 1999
- Dimensions5.31 x 0.98 x 8 inches
- ISBN-100060977728
- ISBN-13978-0060977726
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About the Author
Harvey A. Silverglate is a criminal defense attorney and civil liberties litigator who writes regular columns for the Boston Phoenix and the National Law Journal and has taught at Harvard Law School.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Chapter One
The Water Buffalo Affair
On the night of january 13, 1993, Eden Jacobowitz, a freshman at the University of Pennsylvania, had been writing a paper for an English class when a sorority begancelebrating its Founders' Day beneath the windows of his high-rise dormitory apartment. The women were singing very loudly, chanting, and stomping. It had prevented himfrom writing, and it had awakened his roommate. He shouted out the window, "Please keep quiet," and went back to work. Twenty minutes later, the noise yet louder, heshouted out the window, "Shut up, you water buffalo! " The women were singing about going to a party. "If you want a party," he shouted, "there's a zoo a mile from here."The women were black. Within weeks, the administrative judicial inquiry officer (JIO) in charge of Eden's, case, Robin Read, decided to prosecute him for violation of Penn'spolicy on racial harassment. He could accept a "settlement"- an academic plea bargain or he could face a judicial hearing whose possible sanctions included suspension andexpulsion. The JIO's finding that there was "reasonable cause" to believe that Eden had violated Penn's racial harassment policy for having shouted "Shut up, you water buffalo!" tolate-night noisemakers under his window was outrageous in terms of normal human interactions at a university. Loud and raucous festivites had occurred beneath thewindows of student since the Middle Ages. For centuries, would-be scholars, disturbed or awakened in the still hours, had shouted their various and picturesque disapprovalsat the celebrants. "Water buffalo" would have been one of the mildest such epithets ever uttered.
The JIO's decision also was unconscionable given the history of the debates over speech codes at Penn. In 1987, over the strenuous objections of a handful of professors,Sheldon Hackney, president of the University of 'Pennsylvania, promulgated the university's first modern-era restrictions on speech, in the form of prohibitions on "anybehavior, verbal or physical, that stigmatizes or victimizes individuals on the basis of race, ethnic or national origin ... and that has the purpose or effect of interfering with anindividual's academic or work performance; and/or creates an intimidating or offensive academic, living, or work environment." In September 1989, to explain the policy toincoming students, the administration gave specific examples of what would constitute the serious crime of "harassment": students who drew a poster to advertise a "South ofthe Border" party, showing a "lazy" Mexican taking a siesta against a wall; a faculty member who referred to blacks as "ex-slaves"; and students who, in protest of "Gay JeansDay" (when undergraduates were asked to dress in jeans to show solidarity with gay and lesbian students), held a satiric sign proclaiming "Heterosexual Footwear Day."
There were ironies in this presentation of "incidents of harassment." When Louis Farrakhan spoke at Penn in 1988, over the protests of several Jewish organizations,Hackney issued a statement in which he conceded that Farrakhan's statements were "racist, and antiseptic, and amount to scape-goating:' but concluded: "In an academiccommunity, open expression is the most important value. We can't have free speech only some of the time, for only some people. Either we have it, or we don't. At Penn, wehave it." Indeed, in the very month that his administration was prohibiting social criticism of Gay jeans Day and posters of sleeping Mexicans, Hackney was campaigning, togreat national applause, against Senator Jesse Helms's efforts to deny federal funding, by the National Endowment for the Arts, of works such as Andres Serrano's "Piss Christ:' a crucifix immersed in the artist's urine. According to Hackney, it was impossible ''to cleanse public discourse of offensive material" without producing "an Orwelliannightmare" or the horror of "self-censorship." We were not, in Hackney's words, "Beijing" (an argument put to him earlier against his own speech code), but the "Land ofLiberty," where efforts "to limit expression" deemed "offensive" violated the essence and spirit of "democracy" and made social "satire" impossible.
The debate over the harassment policy had heated up at Penn in 1989-90, however, because, of a federal court decision. Despite the university's private status, which placed itoutside the sway of the Bill of Rights, the administration always had insisted that its speech code could pass constitutional muster. In 1989, however, a federal district courtdeclared the University of Michigan's code, which was less restrictive than Penn's, to be unconstitutional. It embarrassed Hackney when his critics now pointed out thatstudents at Pennsylvania State University or at local community colleges had more rights of free expression than students at the University of Pennsylvania. Accepting theadvice of a professor of law to change Penn's overbroad, vague, and imprecise restrictions, and declaring that they were interested in prohibiting merely "words used asweapons," Penn's administration promulgated a "narrower" prohibition of "offensive" speech. The new code specified three conditions which, if met simultaneously, wouldconstitute verbal harassment. This was the definition governing Eden Jacobowitz's case:
Any verbal or symbolic behavior that:
1. is directed at an identifiable person or persons; and
2. insults or demeans the person or persons to whom the behavior - is directed, or abuses a power relationship with that person, on the basis of his or her race, color,ethnicity, or national origin, such as (but not limited to) by the use of slurs, epithets, hate words, demeaning jokes, or derogatory stereotypes; and
3. is intended by the speaker or actor only to inflict direct injury on the person or persons to whom the behavior is directed, or is sufficiently abusive or demeaning that areasonable, disinterested observer would conclude .that the behavior is so intended; or occurs in a context such that an intent only to inflict direct injury may reasonably beinferred.
Product details
- Publisher : Harper Perennial; 1st edition (September 22, 1999)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 432 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0060977728
- ISBN-13 : 978-0060977726
- Item Weight : 2.19 pounds
- Dimensions : 5.31 x 0.98 x 8 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,301,597 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #1,979 in Civil Rights & Liberties (Books)
- #2,327 in Education Administration (Books)
- #2,546 in Political Conservatism & Liberalism
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Despite its age, "The Shadow University" still remains an excellent place to begin understanding these issues. Not only does the book detail the "celebrated causes" of its moment in time, which now in 2012 seem a little dated (especially as it rests so much on the water buffalo case at Penn, now coming on 20 years old). It also provides a thorough history of the underlying legal issues that support constitutional rights to freedom of speech, conscience, and due process protections. While Kors and Silverglate (an educator and a lawyer) provide eloquent and ringing defenses of basic human rights and freedoms, they are also quite savvy about how institutions work--and know that such endorsements, however inspiring (and they are), will not change how institutions work without political pressure.
At one point, they write that the "high-handedness demonstrated by private college administrators often betrays an exaggerated sense of legal invulnerability," a claim that is clearly false. Their own analysis shows, rather, that college administrators are slaves to lawyers and trustees preoccupied with risk management and protecting their schools' reputations: "The primary goal of modern academic administrators is to buy peace during their tenure and to preserve the appearance of competence on their watch...." Given this reality, those who care about individual rights on campus must borrow a page from their opponents (those willing to trample rights in order to achieve certain political goals) and make the lives of institutions very uncomfortable when they abridge essential individual rights. "The Shadow University" and FIRE do just this--and have been successful at publicizing violations.
Those who would ignore individual rights, however, proceed apace. Witness the "Dear Colleague" letter of April, 2011, in which the Office of Civil Rights required all institutions of higher learning to reduce their standard for evidence for adjudicating sexual harassment claims (including rape) to a mere preponderance of the evidence. FIRE has protested this letter vigorously, but colleges and universities are in the process of rearranging their grievance procedures and guidelines to comply with this outrageous demand for fear of losing federal funding, which would be a devastating outcome for any school.
Such escalation of the infringement of due process and individual rights makes me long for a revised version or new edition of "The Shadow University." These are problems about which no freedom-loving person can afford to feel complacent. Students and faculty in today's universities are still deeply confused about the reach and importance of freedom of speech, often imagining that one person's right not to be offended trumps another person's right to think and speak freely. It would be good to have a new version of "The Shadow University" that reflects the particular issues we face in the twenty-first century (e.g., changing definitions of sex and gender, social media, in addition to the steady erosion of respect for personal integrity that is represented in the "Dear Colleague" letter). Such a new edition could serve as a rallying cry today in the way that this classic study did for students and faculty of the 90s.
1. In the last few decades, colleges and universities across America have established speech codes which curtail freedom of speech. They have administered these codes using judicial procedures which do not meet minimal standards of justice. And they have set up student life programs that are designed to indoctrinate students into a particular mode of thought. The authors present pages and pages and pages of examples of all of these facts, with thorough documentation. The problem may not exist on all campuses, but it clearly exists on a lot of them.
2. They offer a good historical account of the philosophical developments that gave rise to the PC movement. In doing so, they lay bear the non-democratic foundations of this movement; which is important because proponents of political correctness frequently cloak their positions behind democratic-sounding rhetoric.
3. Kors and Silverglate lay open the double-standards of the PC movement. The movement preaches tolerance, but is itself extremely intolerant of certain points of view. The rhetoric of tolerance has been used to mask what is, in fact, a nakedly political bid for a shift in power towards those on the "liberal" side of the political spectrum. Once the rhetoric is "deconstructed", we will be able to return to a more honest discourse about these issues.
4. The authors also touch on the insidious nature of affirmative action and the PC movement with respect to the very people these programs are supposed to support. The PC movement creates a climate in which it becomes impossible to NOT categorize people by race, gender or sexual preference. For all their complaints about stereotyping, proponents of political correctness force individuals to identify themselves by their "labels" rather than to seek out their own identities.
The Shadow University offers a powerful plea to defend the freedoms of thought and speech that are so vital to a diverse democratic society. It is a call that should be respected by all, regardless of their political persuasion. Professor Kors recently wrote an opinion for the magazine First Things, in which he defends Catholic higher education using these very principles. What is remarkable about his stance, is that he is not a Catholic, and one suspects that he has strong differences with the Catholic view. This is a man who practices what he preaches.
I gave this book 4 stars, and not 5 -- but mostly due to minor difficulties. The book is a bit of a slog. For several pages, it seems as though one is reading the details of every speech code on every campus. Statistics do have the virtue of summarizing a vast quantity of data into a digestable form -- and this book doesn't avail itself of that. There's a great deal of legal minutiae that only a lawyer could love. And finally, the paperback edition is printed with a rather small typeset, which is difficult for those of us who are ophthalmologically-challenged.
But those are quibbles. This is an important book on a topic that should concern every American citizen.






