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The Spartan Regime: Its Character, Origins, and Grand Strategy (Yale Library of Military History) Hardcover – Illustrated, September 27, 2016
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For centuries, ancient Sparta has been glorified in song, fiction, and popular art. Yet the true nature of a civilization described as a combination of democracy and oligarchy by Aristotle, considered an ideal of liberty in the ages of Machiavelli and Rousseau, and viewed as a forerunner of the modern totalitarian state by many twentieth-century scholars has long remained a mystery. In a bold new approach to historical study, noted historian Paul Rahe attempts to unravel the Spartan riddle by deploying the regime-oriented political science of the ancient Greeks, pioneered by Herodotus, Thucydides, Plato, Xenophon, and Polybius, in order to provide a more coherent picture of government, art, culture, and daily life in Lacedaemon than has previously appeared in print, and to explore the grand strategy the Spartans devised before the arrival of the Persians in the Aegean.
- Print length232 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherYale University Press
- Publication dateSeptember 27, 2016
- Dimensions9.3 x 6.4 x 1.1 inches
- ISBN-100300219016
- ISBN-13978-0300219012
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"Rahe thinks and writes big. . . . The Spartan Regime breaks important new ground."—Jacob Howland, Commentary
"In thinking about foreign affairs and in pondering diplomacy, intelligence, and military strength and its economic foundations, Rahe argues, one must always acknowledge the primacy of domestic policy."—Patrick J. Garrity, Politics and Strategy
"An important new history. . . . The story of this ancient clash of civilizations, masterfully told by Paul Rahe . . . provides a timely reminder about strategic challenges and choices confronting the United States."—John Maurer, Claremont Review of Books
"Paul Rahe combines the chops of a professional historian with a masterly grasp of political philosophy. He is also a shrewd analyst of human character. . . . Rahe’s ability to reveal the human side beneath [an] austere exterior is one of many reasons to read this beautifully written, meticulously researched, and deeply engaging book."—Waller R. Newell, Washington Free Beacon
“A serious scholarly endeavor.”—Eric W. Robinson, American Historical Review
“[Rahe] has now published four volumes in his history of Sparta . . . Each book is thoroughly readable, and in many cases becomes a page-turner as the excitement of the events Rahe relates is undiminished after 2500 years . . . A tremendous series of books.”—Dr. Cliff Cunningham, Sun News Austin
"Paul Rahe continues his monumental history of ancient Sparta, by explaining why and how Sparta’s early strategic role in the Greek world was inseparable from the uniqueness of its origins and values. An insightful and sympathetic view of Sparta, one that could only be written by a masterful historian and classicist with Rahe’s singular knowledge of political philosophy, ancient and modern."—Victor Davis Hanson, The Hoover Institution, author of The Other Greeks
"Paul Rahe toils boldly at the intersection of political and diplomatic history, military history, and political theory. He has always been one of a kind, and this highly original book will cement his reputation as such. Who else has treated Spartan policy with the seriousness that he shows that it deserves? Nobody."—Clifford Orwin, Professor of Political Science, University of Toronto, and Senior Fellow, Berlin Thucydides Center
About the Author
Product details
- Publisher : Yale University Press; 1st edition (September 27, 2016)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 232 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0300219016
- ISBN-13 : 978-0300219012
- Item Weight : 1.08 pounds
- Dimensions : 9.3 x 6.4 x 1.1 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #366,045 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #336 in Ancient Greek History (Books)
- #654 in Military Strategy History (Books)
- #1,406 in History & Theory of Politics
- Customer Reviews:
About the author

After reading Litterae Humaniores at Wadham College, Oxford, on a Rhodes Scholarship from 1971-1974, Paul A. Rahe completed a Ph.D. in ancient history at Yale University under the direction of Donald Kagan in 1977. In subsequent years, he taught at Cornell University, Franklin and Marshall College, and the University of Tulsa, where he spent twenty-four years before accepting a position at Hillsdale College, where he is Professor of History and holds The Charles O. Lee and Louise K. Lee Chair in the Western Heritage.
Professor Rahe's entire scholarly career has been focused on two subjects: the origins and evolution of self-government within the West, and the interplay between politics, diplomacy, and war. His range is considerable. His first book, Republics Ancient and Modern: Classical Republicanism and the American Revolution (1992), was 1200 pages in length and surveyed the origins and development of self-government in ancient Greece and Rome, its re-emergence in a new form in the Middle Ages, the transformation it underwent at the hands of the political philosophers of early modernity, and the statesmanship of the American Founding Fathers. Within the first thirteen months of publication, the hardback edition sold out. Thereafter, it reappeared as an alternative selection of the History Book Club. In 1994, it was reissued in a three-volume paperback edition by the University of North Carolina Press, and it remains in print.
In the course of his career, Professor Rahe has published dozens of chapters on related subjects in edited books and scholarly articles in journals such as The American Journal of Philology, Historia, The American Journal of Archaeology, The American Historical Review, The Review of Politics, History of Political Thought, The American Journal of Business and Professional Ethics, The Journal of the Historical Society, Social Philosophy & Policy, Security Studies, The National Interest, The American Interest, and The Woodrow Wilson Quarterly. He spent two years in Istanbul, Turkey in the mid-1980s as a fellow of the Institute of Current World Affairs; he has been awarded research fellowships by the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Earhart Foundation; and he has held research fellowships at the Center for Hellenic Study, the National Humanities Center, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D. C. , Clare College at Cambridge University, All Souls College at Oxford University, the American Academy in Berlin, and the Hoover Institution at Stanford University; and he has given a host of public lectures at universities in the United States and abroad--most recently at the Hebrew University, at Al-Quds University, at Shalem College in Jerusalem, at the Sorbonne in Paris, at the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst in England, at the Free University in Berlin, and at the Marine Corps University in Quantico. In 1997-98, he was named to the Templeton Honor Rolls for Education in a Free Society by The John M. Templeton Foundation. In 2006 the Society for French Historical Studies awarded him the Koren Prize for the Best Article Published in French History the preceding year. In October 2019, the Mackinder Forum named his book Sparta's First Attic War: The Grand Strategy of Classical Sparta, 478-446 B.C. the book of the year for excellence in geopolitical analysis. And, in April 2022, the University of Piraeus in Athens, Greece conferred on him the Themistocles Statesmanship Award.
Professor Rahe co-edited Montesquieu's Science of Politics: Essays on the Spirit of Laws (2001) with David W. Carrithers and Michael A. Mosher, and he edited Machiavelli's Liberal Republican Legacy (2006). His second book, Against Throne and Altar: Machiavelli and Political Theory under the English Republic, which examines the political thought inspired by the abortive republican experiment that took place in England in the period stretching from 1649 to 1660, was published by Cambridge University Press in April, 2008. His third and fourth books, Montesquieu and the Logic of Liberty: War, Religion, Commerce, Climate, Terrain, Technology, Uneasiness of Mind, the Spirit of Political Vigilance, and the Foundations of the Modern Republic and Soft Despotism, Democracy's Drift: Montesquieu, Rousseau, and Tocqueville on the Modern Prospect, were published by Yale University Press in 2009.
Since that time, Professor Rahe has been working on a series of volumes focused on the grand strategy articulated and re-articulated time and again by ancient Sparta. Four of these volumes -- The Spartan Regime: Its Character, Origins, and Grand Strategy; The Grand Strategy of Classical Sparta: The Persian Challenge; Sparta's First Attic War: The Grand Strategy of Classical Sparta, 478-446 B.C.; and Sparta's Second Attic War: The Grand Strategy of Classical Sparta, 446-418 B. C.-- have been published by Yale University. Sparta's Sicilian Proxy War: The Grand Strategy of Classical Sparta, 418-413 B. C. was published by Encounter Books in September, 2023 and Sparta's Third Attic War: The Grand Strategy of Classical Sparta, 413-404 B.C. is slated for publication in 2024. He hopes to complete the series with a volume on Sparta's Imperial Venture.
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In this work, the author adopts the approach to political science used in antiquity by writers such as Thucydides, Xenophon, and Aristotle: that the principal factor in determining the character of a political community is its constitution, or form of government, the rules which define membership in the community and which its members were expected to obey, their character being largely determined by the system of education and moral formation which shape the citizens of the community.
Discerning these characteristics in any ancient society is difficult, but especially so in the case of Sparta, which was a society of warriors, not philosophers and historians. Almost all of the contemporary information we have about Sparta comes from outsiders who either visited the city at various times in its history or based their work upon the accounts of others who had. Further, the Spartans were famously secretive about the details of their society, so when ancient accounts differ, it is difficult to determine which, if any, is correct. One gets the sense that all of the direct documentary information we have about Sparta would fit on one floppy disc: everything else is interpretations based upon that meagre foundation. In recent centuries, scholars studying Sparta have seen it as everything from the prototype of constitutional liberty to a precursor of modern day militaristic totalitarianism.
Another challenge facing the modern reader and, one suspects, many ancients, in understanding Sparta was how profoundly weird it was. On several occasions whilst reading the book, I was struck that rarely in science fiction does one encounter a description of a society so thoroughly alien to those with which we are accustomed from our own experience or a study of history. First of all, Sparta was tiny: there were never as many as ten thousand full-fledged citizens. These citizens were descended from Dorians who had invaded the Peloponnese in the archaic period and subjugated the original inhabitants, who became helots: essentially serfs who worked the estates of the Spartan aristocracy in return for half of the crops they produced (about the same fraction of the fruit of their labour the helots of our modern enlightened self-governing societies are allowed to retain for their own use). Every full citizen, or Spartiate, was a warrior, trained from boyhood to that end. Spartiates not only did not engage in trade or work as craftsmen: they were forbidden to do so—such work was performed by non-citizens. With the helots outnumbering Spartiates by a factor of from four to seven (and even more as the Spartan population shrunk toward the end), the fear of an uprising was ever-present, and required maintenance of martial prowess among the Spartiates and subjugation of the helots.
How were these warriors formed? Boys were taken from their families at the age of seven and placed in a barracks with others of their age. Henceforth, they would return to their families only as visitors. They were subjected to a regime of physical and mental training, including exercise, weapons training, athletics, mock warfare, plus music and dancing. They learned the poetry, legends, and history of the city. All learned to read and write. After intense scrutiny and regular tests, the young man would face a rite of passage, krupteίa, in which, for a full year, armed only with a dagger, he had to survive on his own in the wild, stealing what he needed, and instilling fear among the helots, who he was authorised to kill if found in violation of curfew. Only after surviving this ordeal would the young Spartan be admitted as a member of a sussιtίon, a combination of a men's club, a military mess, and the basic unit in the Spartan army. A Spartan would remain a member of this same group all his life and, even after marriage and fatherhood, would live and dine with them every day until the age of forty-five.
From the age of twelve, boys in training would usually have a patron, or surrogate father, who was expected to initiate him into the world of the warrior and instruct him in the duties of citizenship. It was expected that there would be a homosexual relationship between the two, and that this would further cement the bond of loyalty to his brothers in arms. Upon becoming a full citizen and warrior, the young man was expected to take on a boy and continue the tradition. As to many modern utopian social engineers, the family was seen as an obstacle to the citizen's identification with the community (or, in modern terminology, the state), and the entire process of raising citizens seems to have been designed to transfer this inherent biological solidarity with kin to peers in the army and the community as a whole.
The political structure which sustained and, in turn, was sustained by these cultural institutions was similarly alien and intricate—so much so that I found myself wishing that Professor Rahe had included a diagram to help readers understand all of the moving parts and how they interacted.
Start with the kings. That's right, “kings”—there were two of them—both traditionally descended from Hercules, but through different lineages. The kings shared power and acted as a check on each other. They were commanders of the army in time of war, and high priests in peace. The kingship was hereditary and for life.
Five overseers, or ephors were elected annually by the citizens as a whole. Scholars dispute whether ephors could serve more than one term, but the author notes that no ephor is known to have done so, and it is thus likely they were term limited to a single year. During their year in office, the board of five ephors (one from each of the villages of Sparta) exercised almost unlimited power in both domestic and foreign affairs. Even the kings were not immune to their power: the ephors could arrest a king and bring him to trial on a capital charge just like any other citizen, and this happened. On the other hand, at the end of their one year term, ephors were subject to a judicial examination of their acts in office and liable for misconduct. (Wouldn't be great if present-day “public servants” received the same kind of scrutiny at the end of their terms in office? It would be interesting to see what a prosecutor could discover about how so many of these solons manage to amass great personal fortunes incommensurate with their salaries.) And then there was the “fickle meteor of doom” rule.
“Every ninth year, the five [ephors] chose a clear and moonless night and remained awake to watch the sky. If they saw a shooting star, they judged that one or both kings had acted against the law and suspended the man or men from office. Only the intervention of Delphi or Olympia could effect a restoration.”
I can imagine the kings hoping they didn't pick a night in mid-August for their vigil!
The ephors could also summon the council of elders, or gerousίa, into session. This body was made up of thirty men: the two kings, plus twenty-eight others, all sixty years or older, who were elected for life by the citizens. They tended to be wealthy aristocrats from the oldest families, and were seen as protectors of the stability of the city from the passions of youth and the ambition of kings. They proposed legislation to the general assembly of all citizens, and could veto its actions. They also acted as a supreme court in capital cases. The general assembly of all citizens, which could also be summoned by the ephors, was restricted to an up or down vote on legislation proposed by the elders, and, perhaps, on sentences of death passed by the ephors and elders.
All of this may seem confusing, if not downright baroque, especially for a community which, in the modern world, would be considered a medium-sized town. Once again, it's something which, if you encountered it in a science fiction novel, you might expect the result of a Golden Age author, paid by the word, making ends meet by inventing fairy castles of politics. But this is how Sparta seems to have worked (again, within the limits of that single floppy disc we have to work with, and with almost every detail a matter of dispute among those who have spent their careers studying Sparta over the millennia). Unlike the U.S. Constitution, which was the product of a group of people toiling over a hot summer in Philadelphia, the Spartan constitution, like that of Britain, evolved organically over centuries, incorporating tradition, the consequences of events, experience, and cultural evolution. And, like the British constitution, it was unwritten. But it incorporated, among all its complexity and ambiguity, something very important, which can be seen as a milestone in humankind's millennia-long struggle against arbitrary authority and quest for individual liberty: the separation of powers. Unlike almost all other political systems in antiquity and all too many today, there was no pyramid with a king, priest, dictator, judge, or even popular assembly at the top. Instead, there was a complicated network of responsibility, in which any individual player or institution could be called to account by others. The regimentation, destruction of the family, obligatory homosexuality, indoctrination of the youth into identification with the collective, foundation of the society's economics on serfdom, suppression of individual initiative and innovation were, indeed, almost a model for the most dystopian of modern tyrannies, yet darned if they didn't get the separation of powers right! We owe much of what remains of our liberties to that heritage.
Although this is a short book and this is a lengthy review, there is much more here to merit your attention and consideration. It's a chore getting through the end notes, as much of them are source citations in the dense jargon of classical scholars, but embedded therein are interesting discussions and asides which expand upon the text.
At approximately the same time, warfare in Ancient Greece become more democratized, with the development of the hoplites. In contrast to horseback and chariot-riding aristocrat warriors, the hoplites were large, group-oriented warriors whose success depended on being protected by their comrades' shields -- and protecting their comrades with their own shields. Each hoplites shield -- carried on the left harm -- served to cover the right half of his comrade.
A more democratic form of warfare contributed to a more democratic ethos and a more democratic polity. Ancient Sparta's political system was especially unique. It was devoted to maintaining a powerful warrior class to defend the city and subjugate the helots. Children were taken from their parents at a young age and ruthlessly instructed in military training. The soldier-citizens lived in the barracks with one another and had pederastic relationships. The poetry, music, and dancing of the Spartans was devoted to celebrating the city and its gods -- as the author notes on numerous occasions, the Spartans were among the most pious of the Ancient Greeks. The Spartans, to a greater degree than most other city-states, restricted foreigners from entering Sparta and restricted their own people from leaving. In addition, the Spartans restricted the use of gold and silver currency and trade, had sumptuary laws to prevent the flaunting of wealth, and provided each citizen with a land allotment with helots to work the land.
Governmentally, the Spartans had a mixed constitution. They had two kings, mythologically descended from Hercules but in practice likely descending from two proto-Spartan tribes. The kings were a people apart. They did not live in the barracks, led the religious rituals, exercised control of the troops outside of Sparta, and were in charge of marrying away unwed orphan women and adopting children. In a society with limited trade and private property, this gave the kings' control over the limited ways in which property could be accumulated.
However, the kings' power was not unchecked. A group of five Spartan citizens -- the ephors -- were chosen by lot and ruled for one year. The ephors had the power to introduce laws and determine whether the general assembly's voice vote had accepted or rejected the law. The ephors also called up the army and oversaw the laws. Perhaps most importantly, they could bring charges against the kings, even capital charges. The author argues that the ephors brought charges against almost all of the kings.
There was also the council of elders -- composed of the two kings and twenty-eight senior citizens from the priestly-aristocratic class who were elected to the post. The council of elders set the agenda for the general assembly meetings and could veto actions that they believed exceeded the agenda. Importantly, if the ephors charged a king with a crime, the council of elders -- together with the ephors -- acted as the jury.
During the course of the fifth century BC, the Spartans suffered significant population decline due to war, natural disasters, and plagues. Spartans began to have children with foreigners and helots, who would have dubious claims to citizenship. Further, the laws on collective property and restricting inheritance began to be repealed. As rich families married rich families, property became more concentrated, and because citizen-soldiers in the barracks were expected to make contributions to their unit, fewer and fewer Spartans were able to meet the obligations of citizenship. Consequently, the Spartan system began to wither, and by 371 BC the Spartans were defeated by the Thebans.
Overall, this is a short and very interesting book. However, the author sometimes gets too detailed into the geography of Greece, which can be difficult for a layperson to follow.
Having inadvertently read the second book in the series first, The Grand Strategy of Classical Sparta (which is outstanding), I was uncertain if I had made my own strategic mistake reading them out of sequence. It turns out to have made little difference
This book has a few general but well thought out maps, with the locations of towns, rivers, mountains and waterways that professor Rahe discusses in the book, which are greatly appreciated
It has an interesting introduction and closes with two appendixes, notes, and index's which wrap it up nicely
Professor Rahe's books can be challenging at times, but highly informative.
This book provides the foundational information that is helpful in moving forward though the series
I now own all five books and hope there might be more to come, possibly from an earlier time period leading up to the Spartan regime
Rahe's first two books were so good that I would consider reading them again, I have already nibbled at various chapters, and feel very fortunate to have three more book to go
This one is worthy of five stars, I highly recommend it
Thank you professor, well done
Reviewed in the United States on February 15, 2024
Having inadvertently read the second book in the series first, The Grand Strategy of Classical Sparta (which is outstanding), I was uncertain if I had made my own strategic mistake reading them out of sequence. It turns out to have made little difference
This book has a few general but well thought out maps, with the locations of towns, rivers, mountains and waterways that professor Rahe discusses in the book, which are greatly appreciated
It has an interesting introduction and closes with two appendixes, notes, and index's which wrap it up nicely
Professor Rahe's books can be challenging at times, but highly informative.
This book provides the foundational information that is helpful in moving forward though the series
I now own all five books and hope there might be more to come, possibly from an earlier time period leading up to the Spartan regime
Rahe's first two books were so good that I would consider reading them again, I have already nibbled at various chapters, and feel very fortunate to have three more book to go
This one is worthy of five stars, I highly recommend it
Thank you professor, well done
Top reviews from other countries
One of the main merits of this excellent and clearly written book is to analyse the sources and develop plausible interpretations explaining the emergence and the instauration of Sparta’s institutions.
One finding is that the so-called reforms of Lycourgos and their original purpose can only be understood when put in the historical, political, social and economic context (7th century BC). Another related feature shows how at least some of these institutions, in particular the Agoge and the transformation of Sparta into a militarised city, were linked to the conquest of Messenia and the enslavement of its population.
A third element is to show to what extent this conquest, which more than doubled the size of Sparta’s territory, allowed it to become (at the time) the largest and one of the richest (and largely self-sufficient) cities of Greece, but also highly vulnerable. Unlike Corinth, Athens or others, it had no longer any need to develop trade or found colonies abroad. However, and also unlike any of these, full citizens (Spartiates) only represented a small fraction of the total population, and a fraction whose supremacy was maintained through force and subjugating the helots.
A second set of features relate to the analysis of the key institutions – the two Kings, the Gerousia and the Ephors – and how these developed, were created to interact and curtail each other and could come into conflict. Here again, one of the books main merits is to show that beyond the semi-legendary origins of each institution, the author provides convincing political explanations related to the need to address particular types of conflict and shows how they were meant to ensure that the “ruling class” could maintain its supremacy and remain united. A key part of this evolution, and one which the author believes (quite convincingly) to be closely linked to the conquest and subsequent domination of Messenia, is the rise of hoplite warfare and of the institutions related to it.
The whole of Sparta’s power and dominance was predicated upon maintaining the helots in what amounted to slavery and it is this that constitutes what the author terms her “Grand Strategy”. Regardless of whether the use of this term is really apt or perhaps slightly misleading, the ultimate value of this book is to present a convincing explanation of what has long been seen as Sparta’s “exceptionalism” when compared to all other Greek cities.
Unlike them, Sparta managed to conquer, subdue and dominate for more than two and a half centuries one of its neighbours. All of its subsequent and strenuous efforts, including the foundation of the Peloponnesian League and its involvement in the Persian Wars or the Long War against Athens and her own League (and Empire in disguise) were heavily influenced (if not dictated) by its need to preserve and protect what was both the main source of its power and its main vulnerability.
A five star read.





