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Stalin: Waiting for Hitler, 1929-1941 Hardcover – October 31, 2017
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In 1929, Joseph Stalin, having already achieved dictatorial power over the vast Soviet Empire, formally ordered the systematic conversion of the world’s largest peasant economy into “socialist modernity,” otherwise known as collectivization, regardless of the cost.
What it cost, and what Stalin ruthlessly enacted, transformed the country and its ruler in profound and enduring ways. Building and running a dictatorship, with life and death power over hundreds of millions, made Stalin into the uncanny figure he became. Stephen Kotkin’s Stalin: Waiting for Hitler, 1929–1941 is the story of how a political system forged an unparalleled personality and vice versa.
The wholesale collectivization of some 120 million peasants necessitated levels of coercion that were extreme even for Russia, and the resulting mass starvation elicited criticism inside the party even from those Communists committed to the eradication of capitalism. But Stalin did not flinch. By 1934, when the Soviet Union had stabilized and socialism had been implanted in the countryside, praise for his stunning anti-capitalist success came from all quarters. Stalin, however, never forgave and never forgot, with shocking consequences as he strove to consolidate the state with a brand new elite of young strivers like himself. Stalin’s obsessions drove him to execute nearly a million people, including the military leadership, diplomatic and intelligence officials, and innumerable leading lights in culture.
While Stalin revived a great power, building a formidable industrialized military, the Soviet Union was effectively alone and surrounded by perceived enemies. The quest for security would bring Soviet Communism to a shocking and improbable pact with Nazi Germany. But that bargain would not unfold as envisioned. The lives of Stalin and Hitler, and the fates of their respective dictatorships, drew ever closer to collision, as the world hung in the balance.
Stalin: Waiting for Hitler, 1929–1941 is a history of the world during the build-up to its most fateful hour, from the vantage point of Stalin’s seat of power. It is a landmark achievement in the annals of historical scholarship, and in the art of biography.
- Print length1184 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPenguin Press
- Publication dateOctober 31, 2017
- Dimensions6.5 x 2.13 x 9.52 inches
- ISBN-101594203806
- ISBN-13978-1594203800
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Editorial Reviews
Review
A Sunday Times (London) History Book of the Year 2017
One of Kirkus Reviews' Best Biographies of 2017
“Monumental . . . Drawing on an astonishing array of sources, Kotkin paints a richly variegated portrait, delving into Stalin’s peculiar personality even while situating him within the trajectories of Soviet history and totalitarianism more generally. . . Kotkin teases out his subject’s contradictions, revealing Stalin as both ideologue and opportunist, man of iron will and creature of the Soviet system, creep who apparently drove his wife to suicide and leader who inspired his people. . . will surely stand for years to come as a seminal account of some of the most devastating events of the 20th century.” —The New York Times Book Review
“The book makes it mark through its theoretical sophistication, relentless argumentation, and sheer Stakhoanovite immensity. . . Kotkin also attempts to answer the chief philosophical question about Stalin: whether the monstrous regime he created was a function of his personality or of something inherent in Bolshevism.” —Keith Gessen, The New Yorker
“A masterpiece, surely one of the most remarkable books on 20th-century history to have been published in many years. It is not only the depth of research that takes the breath away; it is the scale and range of Kotkin’s framing of his subject and the acuity of his observations.” —Mark Mazower, The Guardian
“A stunning achievement . . . In a landmark work of historical scholarship, Kotkinhas written a captivating biography of a despot that chronicles the evolutionof Stalin as a human being, political operator, and growing archfiend in this horrificera of modern history.” —Jurors of the Mark Lynton History Prize, 2018
“Kotkin delivers more than a detailed and revealing biography. His academic precision and narrative power illuminates Stalin’s personal journey with an exactness that stays with the reader long after the book is finished. . . . Kotkin brings a refreshing objectivity to one of the most complex figures in recent world history.” —Former Senator Jim Webb
“[T]he second volume of what will surely rank as one of the greatest historical achievements of our age . . . few other biographies have so succeeded in showing how one man shaped his times, and how his times shaped him. This is a book not just about Stalin but about the entire spectrum of world affairs in the 1930s, its focus constantly shifting from the tiniest personal details to the grand sweep of international strategy. Kotkin’s project is the War and Peace of history: a book you fear you will never finish, but just cannot put down. The ending is perfectly judged. It is the night of Saturday, June 21, 1941. In his office, Stalin paces nervously, waiting for news. And on the border, Hitler’s war machine prepares to strike.” —The Times (London)
“There have been many other biographies of Stalin, but none matches the range of information and analysis that animates Mr. Kotkin’s ambitious project. Waiting for Hitler is biography and history on a grand scale – equal in scope to the enormity of the events it describes.” —Joshua Rubenstein, The Wall Street Journal
“This has never been better nor more plausibly told than by Kotkin in this brilliant, compelling, propulsively written, magnificent tour de force . . . I eagerly await volume three.” —Simon Sebag Montefiore, Evening Standard
“It is the most gripping of reads, packed with epoch-shaking events and human tragedy. This volume sweeps through the collectivisation of agriculture and the mass famine of the early 1930s, the Great Terror of 1936-38, the outbreak of the second world war, the disastrous winter war against Finland, and the macabre diplomatic dance between Stalin and Hitler ahead of the Nazi invasion of June 1941. This is, as close as it is possible to imagine, the definitive biography of Stalin.” —Financial Times
“A triumph, necessary reading for anyone hoping to make sense of Stalin and the Soviet Union.” —New Criterion
“Kotkin, a Princeton history professor, has performed prodigies of research, wading through masses of previously inaccessible Soviet-era documents to produce what is surely the definitive portrait.” —American Conservative
“It is unlikely we will soon have a biography the equal of Kotkin’s… We turn to a biography of this heft for the larger history, and for detailed analyses of that history, and Kotkin doesn’t disappoint… Thrilling and engrossing.” —Jewish Currents
“Against all odds considering their grim topics, these Stalin volumes from Kotkin, in addition to being definitive, are the kind of infectiously entertaining that only comes from perfect match of topic and storyteller.” —Open Letters Monthly
“A magisterial second entry in this multivolume biography. He integrates a massive body of newly available documents with extant scholarship, comprehensively detailing the development of the U.S.S.R. and the nature of Stalin’s rule. . . Kotkin’s account is a hefty challenge, but an eminently worthwhile one.” —Publishers Weekly, starred review
“A well-written, finely detailed installment in a definitive biography—sure to receive many prize nominations this year.” —Kirkus, starred review
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
PART 1
DOUBLE-HEADED EAGLE
In all his stature he towers over Europe and Asia, over the past and the future. This is the most famous and at the same time the most unknown person in the world.
Henri Barbusse, Stalin (1935)
RUSSIA’S DOUBLE-HEADED EAGLE NESTED across a greater expanse than that of any other state, before or since. The realm came to encompass not just the palaces of St. Petersburg and the golden domes of Moscow, but Polish and Yiddish-speaking Wilno and Warsaw, the German-founded Baltic ports of Riga and Reval, the Persian and Turkic-language oases of Bukhara and Samarkand (site of Tamerlane’s tomb), and the Ainu people of Sakhalin Island near the Pacific Ocean. “Russia” encompassed the cataracts and Cossack settlements of wildly fertile Ukraine and the swamps and trappers of Siberia. It acquired borders on the Arctic and Danube, the Mongolian plateau, and Germany. The Caucasus barrier, too, was breached and folded in, bringing Russia onto the Black and Caspian seas, and giving it borders with Iran and the Ottoman empire. Imperial Russia came to resemble a religious kaleidoscope with a plenitude of Orthodox churches, mosques, synagogues, Old Believer prayer houses, Catholic cathedrals, Armenian Apostolic churches, Buddhist temples, and shaman totems. The empire’s vast territory served as a merchant’s paradise, epitomized by the slave markets on the steppes and, later, the crossroad fairs in the Volga valley. Whereas the Ottoman empire stretched over parts of three continents (Europe, Asia, and Africa), some observers in the early twentieth century imagined that the two-continent Russian imperium was neither Europe nor Asia but a third entity unto itself: Eurasia. Be that as it may, what the Venetian ambassador to the Sublime Porte (Agosto Nani) had once said of the Ottoman realm—“more a world than a state”—applied no less to Russia. Upon that world, Stalin’s rule would visit immense upheaval, hope, and grief.
Stalin’s origins, in the Caucasus market and artisan town of Gori, were exceedingly modest—his father was a cobbler, his mother, a washerwoman and seamstress—but in 1894 he entered an Eastern Orthodox theological seminary in Tiflis, the grandest city of the Caucasus, where he studied to become a priest. If in that same year a subject of the Russian empire had fallen asleep and awoken thirty years later, he or she would have been confronted by multiple shocks. By 1924 something called a telephone enabled near instantaneous communication over vast distances. Vehicles moved without horses. Humans flew in the sky. X-rays could see inside people. A new physics had dreamed up invisible electrons inside atoms, as well as the atom’s disintegration in radioactivity, and one theory stipulated that space and time were interrelated and curved. Women, some of whom were scientists, flaunted newfangled haircuts and clothes, called fashions. Novels read like streams of dreamlike consciousness, and many celebrated paintings depicted only shapes and colors.1 As a result of what was called the Great War (1914–18), the almighty German kaiser had been deposed and Russia’s two big neighboring nemeses, the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian empires, had disappeared. Russia itself was mostly intact, but it was ruled by a person of notably humble origins who also hailed from the imperial borderlands.2 To our imaginary thirty-year Rip Van Winkle in 1924, this circumstance—a plebeian and a Georgian having assumed the mantle of the tsars—could well have been the greatest shock of all.
Stalin’s ascension to the top from an imperial periphery was uncommon but not unique. Napoleone di Buonaparte had been born the second of eight children in 1769 on Corsica, a Mediterranean island annexed only the year before by France; that annexation (from the Republic of Genoa) allowed this young man of modest privilege to attend French military schools. Napoleon (in the French spelling) never lost his Corsican accent, yet he rose to become not only a French general but, by age thirty-five, hereditary emperor of France. The plebeian Adolf Hitler was born entirely outside the country he would dominate: he hailed from the Habsburg borderlands, which had been left out of the 1871 German unification. In 1913, at age twenty-four, he relocated from Austria-Hungary to Munich, just in time, it turned out, to enlist in the imperial German army for the Great War. In 1923, Hitler was convicted of high treason for what came to be known as the Munich Beer Hall Putsch, but a German nationalist judge, ignoring the applicable law, refrained from deporting the non-German citizen. Two years later, Hitler surrendered his Austrian citizenship and became stateless. Only in 1932 did he acquire German citizenship, when he was naturalized on a pretext (nominally, appointed as a “land surveyor” in Braunschweig, a Nazi party electoral stronghold). The next year Hitler was named chancellor of Germany, on his way to becoming dictator. By the standards of a Hitler or a Napoleon, Stalin grew up as an unambiguous subject of his empire, Russia, which had annexed most of Georgia fully seventy-seven years before his birth. Still, his leap from the lowly periphery was improbable.
Stalin’s dictatorial regime presents daunting challenges of explanation. His power of life and death over every single person across eleven time zones—more than 200 million people at prewar peak—far exceeded anything wielded by tsarist Russia’s greatest autocrats. Such power cannot be discovered in the biography of the young Soso Jughashvili. Stalin’s dictatorship, as we shall see, was a product of immense structural forces: the evolution of Russia’s autocratic political system; the Russian empire’s conquest of the Caucasus; the tsarist regime’s recourse to a secret police and entanglement in terrorism; the European castle-in-the-air project of socialism; the underground conspiratorial nature of Bolshevism (a mirror image of repressive tsarism); the failure of the Russian extreme right to coalesce into a fascism despite all the ingredients; global great-power rivalries, and a shattering world war. Without all of this, Stalin could never have gotten anywhere near power. Added to these large-scale structural factors were contingencies such as the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II during wartime, the conniving miscalculations of Alexander Kerensky (the last head of the Provisional Government that replaced the tsar in 1917), the actions and especially inactions of Bolshevism’s many competitors on the left, Lenin’s many strokes and his early death in January 1924, and the vanity and ineptitude of Stalin’s Bolshevik rivals.
Consider further that the young Jughashvili could have died from smallpox, as did so many of his neighbors, or been carried off by the other fatal diseases that were endemic in the slums of Batum and Baku, where he agitated for socialist revolution. Competent police work could have had him sentenced to forced labor (katorga) in a silver mine, where many a revolutionary met an early death. Jughashvili could have been hanged by the authorities in 1906–7 as part of the extrajudicial executions in the crackdown following the 1905 revolution (more than 1,100 were hanged in 1905–6).3 Alternatively, Jughashvili could have been murdered by the innumerable comrades he cuckolded. If Stalin had died in childhood or youth, that would not have stopped a world war, revolution, chaos, and likely some form of authoritarianism redux in post-Romanov Russia. And yet the determination of this young man of humble origins to make something of himself, his cunning, his honing of organizational talents would help transform the entire structural landscape of the early Bolshevik revolution from 1917. Stalin brutally, artfully, indefatigably built a personal dictatorship within the Bolshevik dictatorship. Then he launched and saw through a bloody socialist remaking of the entire former empire, presided over a victory in the greatest war in human history, and took the Soviet Union to the epicenter of global affairs. More than for any other historical figure, even Gandhi or Churchill, a biography of Stalin, as we shall see, eventually comes to approximate a history of the world.
• • •
WORLD HISTORY IS DRIVEN BY GEOPOLITICS. Among the great powers, the British empire, more than any other state, shaped the world in modern times. Between 1688 and 1815, the French fought the British for global supremacy. Despite France’s greater land mass and population, Britain emerged the winner, mostly thanks to a superior, lean, fiscal-military state.4 By the final defeat of Napoleon, which was achieved in a coalition, the British were the world’s dominant power. Their ascendancy, moreover, coincided with China’s decline under the Qing dynasty, rendering British power—political, military, industrial, cultural, and fiscal—genuinely global. The felicitous phrase “the sun never sets” that was used to describe the extent of the empire’s holdings originated in connection with the earlier empire of Spain, but the saying was applied, and stuck, to the British. In the 1870s, however, two ruptures occurred in the British-dominated world: Prince Otto von Bismarck’s unification of Germany, realized on the battlefield by Helmuth von Moltke the Elder, which, in lightning fashion, led to the appearance of a surpassing new power on the European continent; and the Meiji restoration in Japan, which imparted tremendous drive to a new power in East Asia. All of a sudden, imperial Russia faced the world’s most dynamic new power on its restive western border, and Asia’s most dynamic on its underpopulated eastern border. Russia had entered a new world. This was the world into which Stalin was born.
Even the package of attributes that we call modernity was a result not of some inherent sociological process, a move out of tradition, but of a vicious geopolitical competition in which a state had to match the other great powers in modern steel production, modern militaries, and a modern, mass-based political system, or be crushed and potentially colonized.5 These were challenges that confronted conservative establishments especially. Everyone knows that Karl Marx, the radical German journalist and philosopher, loomed over imperial Russia like over no other place. But for most of Stalin’s lifetime, it was another German—and a conservative—who loomed over the Russian empire: Otto von Bismarck. A country squire from a Protestant Junker family in eastern Brandenburg who had attended the University of Gottingen, joined a Burschenschaften (fraternity), and was known as a solid drinker and devotee of the female of the species, Bismarck had held no administrative posts as late as 1862, although he had been ambassador to Russia and to France. But in fewer than ten years, he had risen to become the Iron Chancellor and, using Prussia as his base, forged a mighty new country. Prussia, the proverbial “army in search of a nation,” had found one. At the same time, the rightist German chancellor showed rulers everywhere how to uphold modern state power by cultivating a broader political base, developing heavy industry, introducing social welfare, and juggling alliances with and against an array of other ambitious great powers.
Bismarck the statesman was one for the ages. He craftily upended his legions of opponents, both outside and inside the German principalities, and instigated three swift, decisive, yet limited wars to crush Denmark, then Austria, then France, but he kept the state of Austria-Hungary on the Danube for the sake of the balance of power. He created pretexts to attack when in a commanding position or baited the other countries into launching the wars after he had isolated them diplomatically. He made sure to have alternatives, and played these alternatives off against each other. That said, Bismarck had had no master plan for German unity—his enterprise was an improvisation, driven partly by domestic political considerations (to tame the liberals in Prussia’s parliament). But he had constantly worked circumstances and luck to supreme advantage, breaking through structural limitations, creating new realities on the ground. “Politics is less a science than an art,” Bismarck would say. “It is not a subject that can be taught. One must have the talent for it. Even the best advice is of no avail if improperly carried out.”6 He further spoke of politics in terms of cards, dice, and other games of chance. “One can be as shrewd as the shrewdest in this world and still at any moment go like a child into the dark,” Bismarck had remarked on the victory in the war he instigated in 1864 against Denmark.7 This he complained was “a thankless job. . . . One has to reckon with a series of probabilities and improbabilities and base one’s plans upon this reckoning.” Bismarck did not invoke virtue, but only power and interests. Later this style of rule would become known as realpolitik, a term coined by August von Rochau (1810-73), a German National Liberal disappointed in the failure to break through to a constitution in 1848. In its origins, realpolitik signified effective practical politics to realize idealistic aims. Bismarck’s style was more akin to the term raison d’etat: calculating, amoral reason of state. Instead of principles, there were objectives; instead of morality, means.8 Bismarck was widely hated until he proved brilliantly successful, then lionized beyond reason for having smashed France, made a vassal out of Austria, and united Germany.
Bismarck went on to form the Triple Alliance with Austria-Hungary and Italy (1882) and sign a secret “reinsurance treaty” with Russia (1888), extracting neutrality in the event of a conflict, thereby obviating a possible two-front war against France and Russia and accentuating the new Germany’s mastery of the continent. His gifts were those of the inner sanctum. He did not possess a strong voice or self-confidence in speaking, and did not spend much time amid the public. Moreover, he was not the ruler: he served at the pleasure of the king (and then kaiser), Wilhelm I. In that all-important relationship, Bismarck showed psychological skill and tenacity, ceaselessly, efficaciously manipulating Wilhelm I, threatening his resignation, pulling all manner of histrionics. Wilhelm I, for his part, proved to be a diligent, considerate, and intelligent monarch, with the smarts to defer to Bismarck on policy and to attend to the myriad feathers his Iron Chancellor ruffled.9 Bismarck strategized to make himself indispensable partly by making everything as complex as possible, so that he alone knew how things worked (this became known as his combinations). He had so many balls up in the air at all times that he could never stop scrambling to prevent any from dropping, even as he was tossing up still more. It must also be kept in mind that Bismarck enjoyed the benefit of the world’s then-best land army (and perhaps second-best navy).
Other would-be statesmen across Europe went to school with Bismarck’s example of “politics as art.”10 To be sure, from the perspective of London, which had well-established rule of law, Bismarck appeared as a menace. But from the perspective of St. Petersburg, where the challenges were finding a bulwark against leftist extremism, he looked like salvation. From any vantage point, his aggrandizement of Prussia via a German unification—without the support of a mass movement, with no significant previous experience of government, and against an array of formidable interests—ranks among the greatest diplomatic achievements by any leader in the last two centuries.11 Moreover, paying indirect homage to a ruler he had vanquished, France’s Napoleon III, Bismarck introduced universal manhood suffrage, banking conservatives’ political fortunes on the peasants’ German nationalism to afford dominance of parliament. “If Mephistopheles climbed up the pulpit and read the Gospel, could anyone be inspired by this prayer?” huffed a newspaper of Germany’s outflanked liberals. What is more, Bismarck goaded Germany’s conservatives to agree to broad social welfare legislation, outflanking the socialists, too. What made Bismarck’s unification feat still more momentous was the added circumstance that the newly unified Germany soon underwent a phenomenal economic surge. Seemingly overnight the country vaulted past the world’s number one power, Great Britain, in key modern industries such as steel and chemicals. As Britain became consumed with its (relative) “decline,” the new Bismarckian Reich pushed to realign the world order. Germany was “like a great boiler,” one Russian observed, “developing surplus steam at extreme speed, for which an outlet is required.”12 As we shall see, Russia’s establishment—or, at least, its more able elements—became obsessed with Bismarck. Not one but two Germans, Bismarck and Marx, constituted imperial Russia’s other double-headed eagle.
Product details
- Publisher : Penguin Press; American First edition (October 31, 2017)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 1184 pages
- ISBN-10 : 1594203806
- ISBN-13 : 978-1594203800
- Item Weight : 3.62 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.5 x 2.13 x 9.52 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #708,830 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #292 in Historical Russia Biographies
- #1,559 in Russian History (Books)
- #6,218 in World War II History (Books)
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About the author

Stephen Mark Kotkin (born February 17, 1959) is an American historian, academic and author. He is currently a professor in history and international affairs at Princeton University and a fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution.
Kotkin's most recent book is his first of three planned volumes, which discuss the life and times of the Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin: Stalin: Volume I: Paradoxes of Power, 1878-1928 (2014).
Bio from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Photo by Taylordw (Own work) [CC BY-SA 4.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0)], via Wikimedia Commons.
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The author expands upon Volume I’s paradoxes: there simply was never enough power to be had. As power is accumulated, so too are enemies. That requires more power, which requires more purging. It’s an unending cycle of exile, arrest or murder. Compounded by the sheer magnitude of his task (bringing Russia to the Modern Era in a decade rather than a generation) and the size of the country, the table is set for disasters of epic proportions. As his personality spirals into sociopathic paranoia, Stalin produces catastrophe after catastrophe that includes a body count that is truly mind-boggling. He also achieved some spectacular successes and the biography is richer for the fact that Kotkin is always prepared to give the devil his due. Waiting for Hitler is a triumph of scholarship over polemics.
The book begins with the exile of Trotsky, and the “neutering” of Bukharin (an erstwhile ally), and exile of Rykov and Tomsky from the Politburo. Stalin is by 1929 already decisively moving against his enemies—rightists who support Lenin’s New Economic Plan or others simply charismatic and therefore a threat to the cult of Stalin (unofficially launched during his 50th birthday commemoration.) Stalin is a master at both pity and self-promotion—constantly bewailing the “attacks” of others while cutting them off at the knees. By 1930 Stalin has honed bloody skills he will use effectively for more than 20 additional years in power.
Increasingly in the public imagination and Stalin’s mind, he and the state become one. An affront to Communism is an affront to Stalin and vice-versa. Therefore, the existence of Kulaks, well-to-do peasants who benefited from the breakup of aristocratic estates are deemed a “rightist” deviation—an obstacle to collectivization and must be eliminated. Indeed, any and all who resist are enemies of the state and its leader and must be forced to submit or eliminated. To the shock (and awe) of all, particularly those who supported Lenin’s more tolerant New Economic Plan, there simply was no middle ground.
Forced collectivization, dislocation from the land, the ensuing peasant revolt (they slaughtered their livestock rather than let the state confiscate it) and bad harvests combined to pose a serious threat to Stalin’s power. Indeed, 1932 is one of the few times Stalin vacillates and backs down on policy, making course “adjustments”. Still, the whispers that Stalin had to go continued. To counter the whispers, purges are ratcheted up along with everyone's paranoia. The political corpses literally pileup by the tens and hundreds of thousands.
These numbers are nothing in comparison to the starvation count in rural Ukraine, Georgia and Kazakh provinces. Seven to ten million estimated dead. Families cannibalizing family members. Orphans murdered to be eaten. All because Stalin refused to admit error and abandon the collective. Worse still he would not import grain to relieve the suffering because opponents of his regime would use it to depict communism as a failure. The author states unequivocally this was a disaster of one man's making and largely avoidable had Stalin even a smidgeon of compassion. While Kotkin’s detailed accounts make for great history it is both exhausting and at times numbing. Waiting for Hitler depressingly summons to mind Hannah Arendt’s remark about the banality of evil.
By 1934-1935 the economy is on track in a remarkable comeback. It is around this time he begins to experience the adulation of the masses which Kotkin makes clear while exaggerated by the Party was also based on a fundamental truth--the Russian people loved Papa. In the cat bird's seat, Stalin strikes, remaking the Party entirely in his image, often using the assassination of Sergei Kirov as an excuse to cleanse. The 30s show trials section was most interesting and perhaps the most psychologically revealing. Murder and purging become spectacle, modern-day cousin to a Roman circus where the outcome of the show is a foregone conclusion. Witnessing the narcissistic preening, and his opponents robotic recanting (in the hopes of at least saving their families from the same fate) is fascinating in the way a train wreck is riveting. The carnage is horrific but you can’t look away. The sense of fear and intimidation is palpable.
The third section of Waiting For Hitler covers the geopolitical scene of the 1930s with the particular focus on Germany and Hitler. Again, Kotkin's analysis is astute and multi-dimensional. Russia will be able to survive the Nazi onslaught to come in large part because of Stalin's remarkable modernization. However murdering your experienced generals and colonels in fits of political pique only a year or two before invasion does nothing to improve your odds of survival. Also, considering everyone knew it was just a matter of time, Russia was caught surprisingly flat-footed when the moment comes. Perhaps blitzkrieg doesn't translate to Russian.
Like its predecessor, volume II is a scholarly work. It is accessible to the amateur historian but at 900 plus pages and with thousands and thousands of footnotes it is not any person's idea of a light read. It is a commitment. Its cast of characters is like a Cecil B. DeMille production and not always easy to keep straight. Also, the detail and documentation, necessary to scholarship is also occasionally a drag—more than once I found myself thinking “O god, another plenum; another purge; another footnote.” Stalin’s life provides new meaning to the cliché “been there; done that.” That said, Waiting For Hitler will be one of those essential tomes of 20th century politics and history. I am very, very glad I read it, and a little bit glad it’s over.
I found the second half of this book more readable than the first. During the first half of the book the subject matter is more scattered paragraph to paragraph and even within a single paragraph. This is less so in the second half where the emphasis is much more centered on the relationships with Nazi Germany.
I wish there had been some more detail on the famines of the early 30’s, this is given less emphasis than it probably deserves. One almost gets the feeling that the author is impatient to get to the run up to WWII.
Indeed it seems it is the relationship with Germany and Hitler that is the story Kotkin most wants to tell and he does in extraordinary detail. If your reading about WWII has emphasized the Western European front and the pacific war as mine has, you will learn that the early years of the war in the East were much more complicated than I had been aware.
The footnotes are as detailed as any book I have ever read. One needs an electron microscope to read them, but on the other hand if they were a larger font the book would have probably run to nearly 1300 pages or more.
I wish there was a glossary of names in the back. Many middle tier figures come in and out with hundreds of pages in between.
One last point. The author is quite opinionated. I suppose that is partly what we are paying him for. But by the time Stalin has achieved absolute power, a few hundred pages into the book, whenever he needs to mention Stalin twice in a sentence, the second mention is almost always the “despot” or the “dictator”. This makes the author appear more subjective, less objective than is ideal for a book of this importance.
Nevetheless it is a remarkable book, worthy of five stars
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Perhaps the greatest merit of the book is that it does not rely on Stalin’s evilness to explain the tragedies that fell on the USSR and Europe. Stalin had raised to power, not only by cunning, but because he had extraordinary qualities that no other leader of the Bolshevik party possessed: he was intelligent, hardworking, and attentive to details, he could be affable, and he combined steel determination with an absolute lack of scruples. After the party decided to follow the course of forced industrialization and dekulakization and the Soviet Union faced famine and disaster, it is Stalin’s determination that kept the course and avoided a complete collapse of the Soviet state. The book does not shed new light on how and why the NKVD went out of control during the great terror. Although many of the victims were convinced that Stalin did not know about the horrors of the repression, he knew and approved the terror. Kotkin avoids to evoke the unprovable explanation of the terror by the psychological impact on Stalin of the suicide of Nadia Allliulevya. It was a time when a French poet declared that he would rather see 1000 innocents killed than one guilty escaping punishment. Stalin approved the execution of Bukharin, whom he had genuinely liked as a friend, with the same lack of emotion as he showed for the execution of his worst enemies.
Kotkin’s account brings a new perspective to the evolution of international relations after Hitler’s arrival to power. Until Hitler invaded Czechoslovakia after Munich, the English political establishment felt more affinity for the right wing dictatorships than for the European left leaning democracies, not to mention the Bolsheviks, hence the non-intervention policy in Spain that led to Franco’s victory. England and France’s actions in Poland confirmed Stalin in his deep suspicion that they were trying to entrap the USSR to fight the Nazis for them. Probably without illusion and at a heavy political cost for the communist parties, he chose to sign the non-aggression pact with Germany, and to improve Soviet military readiness. Kotkin’s account shows that the rationale for the winter war against Finland was not land grabbing but making Leningrad and the Baltic fleet less vulnerable to land attacks. The Soviet campaign was a disaster but Stalin and the Red Army learned from it. The book ends on the night of June 21 when the Wehrmacht launched operation Barbarossa. The Red Army was not ready yet and it would pay a heavy price, but it would keep learning. The Wehrmacht had taken the road to Leningrad and Moscow, but it was on its way to Stalingrad!
I have read many biographies of Stalin and I believe that Stephen Kotkin’s book is by very far the best. The main interest of the present volume is that it explains the logic of the Soviet international policy during that period. And it also shows that the person Stalin was not simply a blood thirsty tyrant. He could be sensitive, as shown by his letters to Nadia Allilulevya. He did not care much for his sons, but he very much loved his daughter Svetlana. Often, he publicly acknowledged that his opponents, even Trotsky whom he hated, had strong qualities. He protected many artists whether or not they were Bolsheviks, but he approved the arrest and execution of Babel, Meyerhold, and others who had well served the Soviet state. I feel that, after reading the book, I understand a lot more the Soviet policy than before, but the person Stalin remains an enigma!
These people are maniacs. Castro said he would not have stood down over the missile crisis, and would have rather seen his island and all its people decimated, turned to dust rather than acquiesce to the will of the US. Thankfully the Soviet ships turned back. I believe the US has missiles in Turkey aimed at Russia but that is a topic for another time.







