The Stamp Act Crisis: Prologue to Revolution (Published by the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture and the University of North Carolina Press)
by
Edmund S. Morgan
(Author),
Helen M. Morgan
(Author)
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Edmund S. Morgan
(Author)
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ISBN-13:
978-0807845134
ISBN-10:
0807845132
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Editorial Reviews
Review
Impressive! . . . The authors have given us a searching account of the crisis and provided some memorable portraits of officials in America impaled on the dilemma of having to enforce a measure which they themselves opposed.
--"New York Times"
Required reading for anyone interested in those eventful years preceding the American Revolution.
--"Political Science Quarterly"
A brilliant contribution to the colonial field. Combining great industry, astute scholarship, and a vivid style, the authors have sought 'to recreate two years of American history.' They have succeeded admirably.
--"William and Mary Quarterly"
--"New York Times"
Required reading for anyone interested in those eventful years preceding the American Revolution.
--"Political Science Quarterly"
A brilliant contribution to the colonial field. Combining great industry, astute scholarship, and a vivid style, the authors have sought 'to recreate two years of American history.' They have succeeded admirably.
--"William and Mary Quarterly"
Review
Required reading for anyone interested in those eventful years preceding the American Revolution.--Political Science Quarterly
About the Author
Edmund S. Morgan is Sterling Professor of History Emeritus at Yale University. His many books include American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia and Inventing the People: The Rise of Popular Sovereignty in England and America.
The late Helen M. Morgan was Eward S. Morgan's wife and collaborator.
The late Helen M. Morgan was Eward S. Morgan's wife and collaborator.
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Product details
- Publisher : Omohundro Institute and University of North Carolina Press (March 20, 1995)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 342 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0807845132
- ISBN-13 : 978-0807845134
- Item Weight : 1.1 pounds
- Dimensions : 6 x 0.76 x 9 inches
-
Best Sellers Rank:
#498,444 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #909 in U.S. Colonial Period History
- #1,240 in U.S. Revolution & Founding History
- #2,230 in United States History (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
Customer reviews
4.7 out of 5 stars
4.7 out of 5
16 global ratings
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Reviewed in the United States on August 14, 2014
Verified Purchase
Though it is more than a half century since Morgan's book first appeared, it remains a nonpareil account of the Stamp Act and its impact on both American and England. Written with uncommon clarity and accessibility even for laymen, it offers a comprehensively detailed but never fussy history of the reasons why the act was imposed on the colonies, how Americans reacted to it, and how the resulting turmoil laid the groundwork for the outbreak of the Revolutionary War a decade later. Briefly, the Grenville administration sought to affirm the authority of Parliament to tax the colonists through the duties on documents, while Americans challenged the right of taxation by a legislative body in which hey were not represented. After a series of violent protests largely arising in New England, Parliament repealed the tax, though that action did not settle the issues raised during the debate on both sides of the Atlantic. As Morgan writes, the matter of the "authority of Parliament" against "the rights of Englishmen" was a complex one that would ultimately lead to war. Despite its age, there is no more perceptive, vital account of the stamp act controversy. Also worth reading: Bernard Bailyn's knowledgeable biography of Thomas Hutchinson, the tragic colonial governor of Massachusetts whose fate was tied closely to the act.
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Reviewed in the United States on March 7, 2018
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It's not easy to find such topics in print, particularly ones that are complete and from a reliable author. This is one of the Amazon printed titles, and is well worth the cost for all the information it carries. Cathy
Reviewed in the United States on February 16, 2020
Verified Purchase
This book goes into, great detail, about the events before, during, and after the stamp act. It is dull in parts but sometimes comical in others. The leaders of the resistance, of the stamp act, gives birth to the more known story of the American Revolution.
Reviewed in the United States on October 25, 2015
Verified Purchase
The author's other book The Prologue to a Revolution: The Stamp Act Crisis is a listed on the syllabus by David Hackett Fischer. This book is similar to the books by Prof. Fischer and reads like a story. I am using it as a resource for my website PatriotsAndRedcoats.Com.
Reviewed in the United States on June 22, 2019
Verified Purchase
I am very happy with he book and its excellent condition
Reviewed in the United States on April 30, 2016
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Now if we could only have a Kindle edition of the volume of primary sources that accompanied this work when it was first published.
Reviewed in the United States on June 21, 2015
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received as described -
Reviewed in the United States on September 30, 2010
First published over a half century ago, the Morgans' "The Stamp Act Crisis" is still the most well-rounded and penetrating account of the political upheaval of 1764 to 1766 that essentially put the American Revolution in motion. The authors combine the very best of narrative history, with a strong focus on some of the most prominent participants in the crisis, many now only footnotes in history, figures such as James Otis, Daniel Dulaney and John Hughes, with a deep analytical analysis of the constitutional arguments that turned two relatively minor taxes on molasses and paper into a political cause that shook the world's most dominating empire to its foundations.
The Sugar Act was intended to help close the gaping hole in the British treasury after the long war with France. By lowering the duty on molasses, but strictly enforcing the new law, the crown hoped to increase desperately needed revenue while not interfering with the flow of colonial trade. Colonial resistance was immediate and vigorous, their opposition to the Act bolstered by the effects of a post-war recession and new restrictive monetary policy introduced by Parliament that prohibited the use of paper money, which crippled the colonial economy that was starved of specie. Pamphlets, such as that by James Otis, "The Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved," which denied the right of Parliament to tax the colonies, either internally or by duties on trade, unless they granted the colonies direct representation in Parliament, were generated to defend noncompliance with the Act.
The Morgans pay special attention to the work of Maryland lawyer Daniel Dulany, who, in 1765, after reading pamphlets by Soame Jennings, William Knox and especially Thomas Whitley writing for Lord Grenville, authored an essay, "Considerations on the propriety of imposing Taxes in the British Colonies," which refuted their arguments supporting the rights of Parliament to levy a direct tax on the colonists. Dulany directly challenged the principle of virtual representation the tax proponents in England took as a given. Although such great legal minds as Sydney, Burke and Blackstone supported virtual representation, Dulany argued that it didn't apply to the colonies, because a tax raised in the colonies would lower the tax burden of Englishmen, so there was no shared interest, which was the intellectual basis for virtual representation. But he was careful not to dismiss all Parliamentary authority over the colonies. In fact, he was a champion of Parliamentary authority in legislation, which was different from taxation. The Morgans explain that Dulany simply sought to define Parliamentary authority within a constitutional framework. Thus, representation was only needed for taxation, not legislation. He acknowledged the colonies subservience in matters of economics and trade, and accepted Parliament's right to impose duties and regulate trade in its favor.
Ironically, many of the leading British political leaders of the day on both sides of the Atlantic were sympathetic to the intellectual arguments made by the colonists; Pitt even stood up in Parliament and "rejoiced that America resisted." But British lawmakers also realized that acknowledging their claims put London on a slippery slope that could permanently undermine the sovereignty of Parliament. In the end, the issue wasn't whether or not the Stamp Act would be repealed -- the enormous cost of enforcement and nearly unified resistance of the powerful merchant community in England ensured that the Act would be removed. The issue hinged on the understanding of the colonies claims against taxation, which were fiercely contested. Most agreed that there were some difference between internal taxes (those imposed to raise revenue) and external taxes (those imposed to regulate trade); however, few accepted those made by many colonists, Daniel Dulany especially, that legislation and taxation were two very separate things. The distinction between internal and external taxes limited Parliamentary authority much less than that between taxation and legislation. In his dramatic appearance before Parliament during the crisis, Benjamin Franklin had maintained that the colonists only sought to avoid internal taxes and recognized Parliament's right to tax in general. Those pushing for repeal had to downplay the colonists' arguments against general taxation, which created confusion of what really was at issue. In the end, the powerful merchant class movement against the Act on business terms was given credit for its repeal. The Declaratory Act, which repealed the Stamp Act, was based on the 1719 precedent of authority over the Irish and was left deliberately vague on the issue of taxation. It affirmed Parliament's right to authority over legislation "in all cases whatsoever." Most assumed that included taxes, but an explicit reference to taxation was deliberately left out, thus ensuring ambiguity and getting the repeal through Parliament.
When Pitt was made head of government in 1766, replacing Rockingham, it was believed that the staunch defender of colonial rights would interpret the Declaratory Act the way that the colonists did and that Parliament would never tax them again. However, a few prescient colonists recognized what Parliament had really done with the Declaratory Act: before they claimed Parliament could tax because the colonists were virtually represented; now they were able to claim that Parliament could tax because they officially declared that they could. The stage was set for the final confrontation, one that would determine the political fate of a continent and, ultimately, an empire.
"The Stamp Act Crisis" is likely one of the dozen best, most enduring books on the colonial period and Revolution written in the past century. Not a light, popular history, it is for more serious students of American history rather than the casual crowd, although I would encourage the book to any thoughtful reader.
The Sugar Act was intended to help close the gaping hole in the British treasury after the long war with France. By lowering the duty on molasses, but strictly enforcing the new law, the crown hoped to increase desperately needed revenue while not interfering with the flow of colonial trade. Colonial resistance was immediate and vigorous, their opposition to the Act bolstered by the effects of a post-war recession and new restrictive monetary policy introduced by Parliament that prohibited the use of paper money, which crippled the colonial economy that was starved of specie. Pamphlets, such as that by James Otis, "The Rights of the British Colonies Asserted and Proved," which denied the right of Parliament to tax the colonies, either internally or by duties on trade, unless they granted the colonies direct representation in Parliament, were generated to defend noncompliance with the Act.
The Morgans pay special attention to the work of Maryland lawyer Daniel Dulany, who, in 1765, after reading pamphlets by Soame Jennings, William Knox and especially Thomas Whitley writing for Lord Grenville, authored an essay, "Considerations on the propriety of imposing Taxes in the British Colonies," which refuted their arguments supporting the rights of Parliament to levy a direct tax on the colonists. Dulany directly challenged the principle of virtual representation the tax proponents in England took as a given. Although such great legal minds as Sydney, Burke and Blackstone supported virtual representation, Dulany argued that it didn't apply to the colonies, because a tax raised in the colonies would lower the tax burden of Englishmen, so there was no shared interest, which was the intellectual basis for virtual representation. But he was careful not to dismiss all Parliamentary authority over the colonies. In fact, he was a champion of Parliamentary authority in legislation, which was different from taxation. The Morgans explain that Dulany simply sought to define Parliamentary authority within a constitutional framework. Thus, representation was only needed for taxation, not legislation. He acknowledged the colonies subservience in matters of economics and trade, and accepted Parliament's right to impose duties and regulate trade in its favor.
Ironically, many of the leading British political leaders of the day on both sides of the Atlantic were sympathetic to the intellectual arguments made by the colonists; Pitt even stood up in Parliament and "rejoiced that America resisted." But British lawmakers also realized that acknowledging their claims put London on a slippery slope that could permanently undermine the sovereignty of Parliament. In the end, the issue wasn't whether or not the Stamp Act would be repealed -- the enormous cost of enforcement and nearly unified resistance of the powerful merchant community in England ensured that the Act would be removed. The issue hinged on the understanding of the colonies claims against taxation, which were fiercely contested. Most agreed that there were some difference between internal taxes (those imposed to raise revenue) and external taxes (those imposed to regulate trade); however, few accepted those made by many colonists, Daniel Dulany especially, that legislation and taxation were two very separate things. The distinction between internal and external taxes limited Parliamentary authority much less than that between taxation and legislation. In his dramatic appearance before Parliament during the crisis, Benjamin Franklin had maintained that the colonists only sought to avoid internal taxes and recognized Parliament's right to tax in general. Those pushing for repeal had to downplay the colonists' arguments against general taxation, which created confusion of what really was at issue. In the end, the powerful merchant class movement against the Act on business terms was given credit for its repeal. The Declaratory Act, which repealed the Stamp Act, was based on the 1719 precedent of authority over the Irish and was left deliberately vague on the issue of taxation. It affirmed Parliament's right to authority over legislation "in all cases whatsoever." Most assumed that included taxes, but an explicit reference to taxation was deliberately left out, thus ensuring ambiguity and getting the repeal through Parliament.
When Pitt was made head of government in 1766, replacing Rockingham, it was believed that the staunch defender of colonial rights would interpret the Declaratory Act the way that the colonists did and that Parliament would never tax them again. However, a few prescient colonists recognized what Parliament had really done with the Declaratory Act: before they claimed Parliament could tax because the colonists were virtually represented; now they were able to claim that Parliament could tax because they officially declared that they could. The stage was set for the final confrontation, one that would determine the political fate of a continent and, ultimately, an empire.
"The Stamp Act Crisis" is likely one of the dozen best, most enduring books on the colonial period and Revolution written in the past century. Not a light, popular history, it is for more serious students of American history rather than the casual crowd, although I would encourage the book to any thoughtful reader.
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