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Statecraft: Strategies for a Changing World Hardcover – April 16, 2002
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In Statecraft, Margaret Thatcher, a unique world figure, discusses global military, political, and economic challenges of the twenty0first century. The former British Prime Minister brings her unrivaled political experience to comment on the threats that democracy faces at the dawn of the new millennium and the role Western powers should play in the world's hotspots, especially in the aftermath of September 11, 2001.
Reflecting on the lessons of the Cold War, she outlines the foundation of U.S. dominance and its mission as the only global superpower. Thatcher offers wise observations about the dangers posed by Balkan instability, rogue states, Islamic extremism, and international terrorism -- and suggests strategies to counter them. She also examines current trends in Russia, China, India, the Far East, Europe and Great Britain, and offers guidance for the future. Noting how every contemporary problem evokes demands for a global solution, Thatcher also warns of over-reliance on international institutions at the expense of nation states.
Statecraft is an incisive treatise on power in the age of globalism, written by a legendary world statesperson with a matchless combination of principles, experience and shrewdness.
- Print length486 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherHarper
- Publication dateApril 16, 2002
- Dimensions6.12 x 1.53 x 9.25 inches
- ISBN-100060199733
- ISBN-13978-0060199739
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“Impressive...powerful and compelling — Scotland on Sunday
“Provocative...fascinating.” — Birmingham Post
“Salutary reading.” — Los Angeles Times
“Lucid and direct.” — Omaha World-Herald
About the Author
Born in 1925, Margaret Thatcher rose to become the first woman to lead a major Western democracy. She won three successive general elections and served as prime minister for more than eleven years, from 1979 to 1990, a record unmatched in the twentieth century.
Product details
- Publisher : Harper; 1st edition (April 16, 2002)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 486 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0060199733
- ISBN-13 : 978-0060199739
- Item Weight : 2 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.12 x 1.53 x 9.25 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #954,199 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #7,215 in International & World Politics (Books)
- #24,587 in World History (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
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About the author

Margaret Thatcher (1925 - 2013) rose to become the first woman to lead a major Western democracy. She won three successive general elections and served as prime minister for more than eleven years, from 1979 to 1990, a record unmatched in the twentieth century.
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Lady Thatcher does not mince words, spin ideas, nor does she change her beliefs to suit the mood of the day. In this book she takes many positions that are not fashionable, politically correct, and will not be welcomed by many in or out of office. She presents her case on dozens of issues and offers summaries of what she believes should be done. I would very much enjoy a rebuttal as competent as her presentation; I doubt very much that I would be swayed. I had the privilege of attending one of her speeches, and if you find her persuasive via her writing, she is extraordinary in person.
That are many topics that deserve close focus, but I enjoyed her extended discussion of what she terms, "euro-land". I may be wrong, but I feel she equates the usefulness and future of The European Union to be as fictional as another land, that of Disney. Disney deals in fantasy, governments should not. The union is also referred to as a form of United States Of Europe; this fiction is dismembered by Lady Thatcher in great detail, and with arguments of more substance than those who advocate the union. She believes that it is inevitable that the program will fail, and that history will record it as one of the greatest follies attempted in history.
Globalism and the concepts of global citizenship are dead on arrival by any rational measure. The European Union is doomed for the same reasons. The world is not populated by homogenous people, language, laws, customs, beliefs, morals, systems of government, or common national interests. And this list is just a small sample. Members who issue the Euro give up a fundamental element of their sovereignty, their right to issue legal tender and manage their economies. The citizens are subject to the laws of their nation, and again this is compromised when a supra-authority like euro-land government develops. Defenders cite the tradition of international law, the miserable record of international law and courts preempts any such defense.
Lady Thatcher also points out the aspirations to produce a military force from the members of the union. Most of these aspirations, which are no more than still born fantasies, are often put forward by two of the members, Germany and France. It's amazing how short memories are. I am not suggesting that Germany has any desire to go to war once again, but it is historical fact that as a nation (now fully reunited) they have not worked and played well with their neighbors. France has routinely been run over or has run away from a German advance. Perhaps France is attempting to make friends with the bully that has historically damaged them so badly. They have a history of collaboration with their nation's enemies; they even round up their own citizens and deport them when told to do so by an occupier. Germany will dominate any union; France will be used as is convenient. The arrogance that is often a hallmark of France is almost laughable to read when they state their intention of creating a union to rival The United States not only economically, but to be independent militarily. As the book provides the facts about military strength and spending at present, and the ability of members to spend, the idea of a military group independent of NATO is simply absurd.
Lady Thatcher virtually walks the reader around the globe on the dozens of trips she has made since leaving office. Her observations are not drawn from reflection in her home, but from first hand experience. How many present or former leaders have stood at mass graves in the former Yugoslavia as bodies were being exhumed? She has, and these first hand on-site experiences give her the authoritative knowledge to comment and suggest. She also maintains relationships with nearly all of the heads of state she interacted with as Prime Minister and many that took office after she departed.
The book is dedicated to President Ronald Reagan, "To whom the world owes so much". The special relationship she had with President Reagan, and the good fortune the world had from these two people in occupying office together for many years, has literally written some of the greatest events of the 20th Century.
I said that she reminded me of another Prime Minister of England. My reasons for saying this grow from her candor, her absolute core beliefs, and her willingness to state what the truth is when it is so unpopular to do so. She rightfully has no time for the nonsense that is political correctness. And even though when he was asked about the likelihood of a woman as Prime Minister he thought the idea was so absurd he barely answered, I believe that were he alive, Prime Minister Churchill would have been a supporter and admirer of Prime Minister Thatcher.
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Heute gibt es Politiker des Formats "Thatcher" nur noch selten. In West-Europa sitzt heute niemand mehr an den Hebeln der Macht, der auch nur annähernd an Thatcher heranreichen könnte. Schade für West-Europa!
Mrs Thatcher's book strikes a balance between the conflicting needs of efficient and representative governance. More often than not, policies destroy wealth through excessive regulation, taxation, legal privileges, or indebtedness, and they push nations to the brink of collapse with fiscal and financial fragility. The temptation to tie the hands of governments is however at odds with their representativeness, and thus with the stability of democracies. Squaring the circle between these two needs is in a sense the essence of statecraft.
Nowadays, the political menu is between closed-world reactionaries and open-world utopians. Neither of them has a realistic worldview to offer. Nothing in globalism or cosmopolitanism (or even "europeism") provides the foundation for a tenable political order, devoid as they are of emotional ties, historical roots, democratic legitimacy. Nothing in the actual reaction of the "nationalist" forces against the "new world order" in both Europe and the US shows understanding of the importance of global openness, competitiveness and commitment. At least one truism between the need and usefulness of open societies, and their inherent rootlessness and unresponsiveness and thus political instability, is assumed away by both camps. The choice is between two different blind spots, not two tenable visions of what societies are up for.
Thatcher's book accepts the conflict between these two forces, and proposes a tenable compromise: political societies based on actual historical and cultural bonds (such as nations), open to the world (especially for trade and science, which are inherently global), based on accountability and responsiveness toward their respective electorates.
Mrs. Thatcher will probably roll in her grave if I call her approach a "Third Way", but that's exactly what the book is about: the depiction of a feasible and realistic alternative to the unsatisfactory menus offered by today's politics.







