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Still the Best Hope: Why the World Needs American Values to Triumph Paperback – June 25, 2013
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Dennis Prager
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Editorial Reviews
Review
"Occasionally, a person with rare vision can forsee the future through a deep understanding of the present. Using reason and facts, without rancor, Prager invites his readers to reason. If the world does not embrace American values, as brilliantly explained in this book, we are indeed doomed."--David Mamet, Winner of the Pulitzer Prize for Glengarry Glen Ross
As a member of Congress for more than thirty years, I have met, listened to, and read the greatest living American thinkers. Dennis Prager is one of these. If enough Americans read [this book], America will remain what Abraham Lincoln said it was: the last best hope of earth."--David Dreier, US Congressman (CA) and Chairman of the House Rules Committee
"Dennis Prager's book is sharp, succinct, and comprehensive. It admirably covers the global ground. I hope it is widely read, and I'm pretty sure it will be."--Paul Johnson, British Historian and Author of Modern Times
From the Back Cover
Dennis Prager contends that humanity confronts a monumental choice. The whole world must choose between American values and two oppositional alternatives: fundamentalist Islam and European-style democratic socialism. In this visionary book, Prager makes the case for the American values system as the most viable program ever devised to produce a good society.
Still the Best Hope deals with three major themes, each vital to America's future. The first is perhaps the most persuasive explanation for why Leftism has been and will always be a moral failure, despite its appeal to many people of goodwill. The second explains why fundamentalist Islam also cannot make a good society—though Prager holds out hope for an open and tolerant Islam. The third is a persuasive defense of what Prager calls the "American Trinity": liberty, values rooted in the Creator, and the melting-pot ideal.
Prager shows why these values can and must be adopted by every nation and culture in the world, why Americans must relearn and recommit to these values, and why the United States must vigorously export them.
About the Author
Dennis Prager writes a syndicated column, hosts a radio show carried by 120 stations, and appears regularly on major Fox venues. He is the author of Happiness Is a Serious Problem and Think a Second Time.
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Prager wrote this book with a sense of urgency, believing we stand at a crossroads offering us three incompatible religious and/or ideological options, devoting roughly one-third of the book to each: 1) Leftism; 2) Islamism; 3) Americanism. He explains: “The American value of ‘Liberty’ is at odds with a Sharia-based society and with the Leftist commitment to material equality; ‘E Pluribus Unum’ is at odds with the Leftist commitment to multiculturalism; and ‘In God We Trust’ conflicts with both the Leftist commitment to secularism and the Islamic ideal of a Sharia-based state” (p. 10). Though he certainly has read widely and thought deeply, Prager relies more on illustrations than scholarly studies, broad generalizations rather than meticulous documentation. This is not to discount his presentation but simply to make it clear he writes for the general public, not the academy.
Leftism, emerging in the French Revolution and thenceforth fueling scores of revolutionary movements around the world, is very much a religious movement, though of a secular sort. Energized by Karl Marx, it seeks to destroy Western Christian Culture and replace it with a scientifically-based, egalitarian society. Its religious nature was evident in Hillary Clinton’s touting “the politics of meaning”—granting primacy to this-worldly concerns, continually seeking to establish a heaven-on-earth through political orchestration. It dominates organizations such as the American Civil Liberties Union and the National Organization of Women and the National Council of Churches. It rules the media (e.g. the New York Times and NBC) and most all liberal arts colleges and universities (e.g. Harvard, Columbia, UCLA and Occidental). Prager thinks “Western universities have become Left-wing seminaries” (p. 97). To soften and promote their ideological posture, Leftists usually call themselves “progressives” or “liberals” or “feminists” or “environmentalists”—much like denominations within a religion—but they share some core convictions. They seek to make America a thoroughly secular place, resembling the “social democracies” in Europe which have sought to shed their national distinctions by joining the European Union, and they want to transform America to make it more egalitarian via universal health care, a command economy, minimum wages, cradle-to-grave welfare programs, affirmative action, race-based college admission policies, etc.
Importantly, Leftists oppose traditional religions and seek to suppress, if not eliminate, their presence—their free expression—in the public square. Philosophically committed to materialism, they necessarily believe: “Man has supplanted the biblical God. ‘God is man,” said Marx. And man is God,’ said Engels” (p. 38). Though some of them may “believe” in a deity of some sort, they reject “the personal, morally judging, transcendent God of the Bible” (p. 40). What they really reject is special Revelation, with its clear-cut distinctions between good and evil. To Prager, who regularly teaches classes on the Hebrew Bible, “the dividing line is belief in divine scripture. Those who believe that God is the ultimate author of their scripture (the Old and New Testaments for Christians, the Torah for Jews) are rarely Leftist. On the other hand, those Christians and Jews who believe that the Bible is entirely man-made are far more likely to adopt Leftist values” (p. 40).
The Left believes, above all, in improving the world, making it a better place, creating a utopia of some sort. It thinks we should not seek to understand things as they are but to devise ways to change them, to even transform such basic things as human nature. As Robert F. Kennedy said: “There are those that look at things the way they are, and ask, ‘Why?’ I dream of things that never were, and ask, ‘Why not?’” Or we’re urged to sing along with the Beatles’ John Lennon and Imagine a perfectly peaceful world cleansed of private property and freed from greed—a world where there’s “no heaven or hell” and “everyone lives for today” (p. 69). Thinking so makes it so! As “a famous dissident joke stated: ‘In the Soviet Union the future is known; it’s the past that is always changing’” (p. 209). Good intentions, not effective actions, qualify one for membership in the “inner ring” of the self-anointed saviors. “Because the Left relies heavily on feelings and intentions,” Prager says, “wisdom and preexisting moral value systems do not count for much” (p. 77). Consequently, there is an adulation and courting of young people and their tastes (e.g. clothes, slang and music).
Yet despite all their allegedly “good intentions”—despite all the propaganda circulating through the schools and media—“the Left’s moral record is among the worst of any organized group or idea in history” (p. 168). Almost everything it’s “touched has made it worse—morals, religion, art, education from elementary school to university, and the economic condition of the welfare sates it created” (p. 168). Most appalling is the number of innocents murdered by Stalin, Mao, Castro et al.—100 million, according to The Black Book of Communism. Softer versions of socialism, now evident throughout Europe and touted by presidential candidate Bernie Sanders, have established ultimately unsustainable welfare programs such as Britain’s National Health Service that slowly slide into faceless bureaucracies failing the very people they claim to serve. Though claiming to represent and care for ordinary people, “If the Left had its way, the citizens of the state would be told how to live in almost every way: what to drive and when; what lightbulbs to use; what temperature to keep their homes; what men would be permitted to say to women; what school textbooks must include; when God could be mentioned, and when not; how much of their earning people may keep; what art would be funded and what art would not; what food children could be fed; how enthusiastically to cheer girls’ sports teams; and much more. The list of Left-wing controls over our lives is ever expanding” (p. 208).
Turning to Islam, which along with Leftism is devoted to the destruction of Western Civilization, Prager admits he treads through a minefield wherein charges of “Islamophobia” are routinely ignited against anyone daring to find fault with any aspect of the faith. Yet we must fully understand—and dare to critique—an ideology mixing religion and politics which has for 1400 years threatened Western Civilization. One must of course try to distinguish between Islam and Islamism—the former a faith calling individuals to certain obligations, the latter a political movement promoting world domination. There are certainly decent Muslims with whom one may establish concord, but there are also legions of fanatical Islamists supporting terrorism. In fact, we must realize that Islam has historically allowed little personal freedom (whether religious, intellectual, or economic) and approves the militant establishment and expansion of its Caliphate. Thus, according to perhaps the greatest Muslim thinker, Ibn Khaldun, Islam “demands jihad, holy war” and “Muslims are therefore enjoined to wage jihad in order to make converts to Islam” (p. 251).
Islamic jihadists now seek to destroy Israel and America—primarily because they prevent “the expansion of Islamist rule” (p. 288). Though such aspirations now seem to lack the necessary economic and military strength needed to accomplish them, they must be understood in order to respond to the many acts of terrorism and aggression we now face. Prager responds to a variety of pro-Islamic arguments (e.g. the Koran contains inspiring verses; most Muslims are peace-loving; Muslim Spain enjoyed a “golden age” of religious tolerance; Muslims don’t impose Islam on conquered peoples), showing that partial truths do not validate an ideology whose negative aspects mandate its rejection.
Having evaluated America’s rivals, Prager turns to defending her and her “unique values,” the first of which is liberty (“the essence of the American idea”). Millions of immigrants, from 1607 onwards, have risked everything seeking various kinds of freedom (religious, political, economic) in this land. For example: “More black Africans have immigrated to the United States voluntarily—looking for freedom and opportunity—than came to the United States involuntarily as slaves” (p. 313). Prizing liberty, many generations of Americans favored limited government because personal “liberty exists in inverse proportion to the size of the state. The bigger the government/state, the less liberty the individual has. The bigger the government, the smaller the citizen” (p. 316). As a God-given right, liberty stands rooted in the very Being of God as revealed in the Judeo-Christian Scriptures, and He is absolutely essential as the sustaining Source of all values. As John Adams insisted: “Our constitution was made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate the government of any other.” Explaining how these values earlier helped shape America, Prager provides scores of important illustrations regarding such things as individual responsibility, distinctions between good and evil, the sanctity of property, marriage and life.
This "reading plan" has led me down many interesting paths, and I was amazed to find that Dennis Prager had been there before me, and summarized my own thoughts and speculations in a longish but very valuable book. Talk about "preaching to the choir!"
The book's overall thesis is simple: mankind is at a crossroads, where there are three paths to choose from: Leftism, Islamism, and Americanism. Prager's analysis of Leftism and Islamism is devastating, and his explanation of "Americanism" is quite enlightening; it will prove especially valuable for people in favor of the American way, but who get tongue-tied trying to explain what it is. Prager deftly solves that problem: "Liberty, In God We Trust, & E Pluribus Unum." Leftists, for example, continue to scream about income inequality, and rank that as more important than liberty. I for one (not Dennis Prager) feel like taking them by the ears and asking them if they have ever read history --- ever read the results of eliminating freedom in favor of some purple-unicorn equality! As Milton Friedman pointed out, "If you aim for liberty as your first value, you'll also get pretty good economic results. But if you aim for equality first, you are going to wind up with neither freedom nor equality." (Among hundreds of other books, consult Nomenklatura: The Soviet Ruling Class.)
The thesis may be simple, but obviously defending it requires a great effort. Dennis Prager does a very good job of defending it, and this book deserves a place on the bookshelf of every American. Hats off to the master!
Top international reviews
Overview: This book focuses on three subjects, discussing each: 1) Leftism, 2) Islam, and 3) the American value system. It is the author's claim that one of the three will dominate the future (most of the world, if I interpret Prager correctly), and that - over time - only the latter is sustainable, and that these three ideologies are incompatible (I believe the latter is correct). The book discusses ideas and positions. Prager claims (correctly) that Leftism is a secular religion. Because Leftism is fundamentally different from Americanism; and because only Americanism truly stands in the way of Leftism (he claims), the Left - worldwide - is anti-American. Although Leftism and Islam ideologically are enemies, Leftism and Islam are allied against Americanism. That is why the Left around the world intervenes on behalf of Islam and deems any critique of Islam as Islamophobic. Prager is a God-religious man, and his version of conservatism is the (classical) God-based American one. There are some flawed arguments in the book, mostly connected to Prager's belief that it is necessary to believe in God. While the book's two first sections (Leftism and Islam) are close to excellent, I experience serious problems with parts the latter section because of the author's tendency towards essentially placing all who do not believe in God in one and the same cubicle. So while Prager's book starts out as a much needed attack on Leftism and Islam in its present form, and a defense of American values and the Western system of liberty and democracy (to the extent liberty still exists), in the third section it more transforms into an attack on all who do not believe in a monotheistic God and in God-based moral values.
Before continuing I find it correct to notice that from a European point of view, Leftism and Islam are allied against the Western world, although more so against America because of its influence and strength. I interpret Prager as discussing the - apparently - three MAJOR alternatives that exist today. That of course can be disputed. There are differences between American conservatism and both European conservatism and classical liberalism/libertarianism. I do not believe a decline in West will necesarily follow as a consequence of not believing in God (in its Judeo-Christian version), because Leftism is not the only possible - or plausible - alternative for secular individuals and societies. It seems more and more people are attracted to a moderate version of right wing libertarianism, and I believe such a system could be a sustainable alternative, giving some changes in this ideology.
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Few Europeans will have heard of Dennis Prager, but in America he is quite famous (206 reviews on Amazon.com). Prager is a syndicated radio show host, columnist, author of several books and a public speaker. He has taught Jewish and Russian history at college level.
Why would a European read Prager's book? Well, to find out more in depth how the "American Right" thinks (if one can put "the Right" in one box). In contrast to how (in box)" the (American) Left" thinks, something we are far more familiar with, since mainstream media and most universities in both US and Europe are dominated by Leftism. Which book of many? Chance enters, and since Prager's book received a lot of attention and praise in America, that was my choice.
Leftism:
Leftist ideology spans from democratic socialism to extreme communism. As Prager's points out, it is important to understand that Leftism is not only a value system, but a fundamental way of understanding the world. Many Leftists let their ideology direct their lives, and some are willing to kill for it. I add that the latter is exemplified by Marxist-Leninist revolutions with its political cleansing (in contrast to ethnic cleansing and racial cleansing).
In my view this part of Prager's book is the best and most thorough one. Half its length covers Leftism and Leftism's moral record. I believe Prager has a correct understanding of what Leftism is, and what motivates the Left. I have held the same view about Leftism myself, now it's developed a little further. I strongly recommend this part of the book to all who wants more in depth to understand Leftism, its values, actions and psychology.
An example of the religious character of Leftism is the term adopted by Hillary Clinton when she was First Lady: "the politics of meaning". Prager: "This term was highly meaningful to the Left, but meaningless to conservatives, [because] conservatives do not look to government and politics to find meaning. They look instead to their own lives." This shows the different - and dangerous - nature of Leftism. Prager's explanation is that "...with the collapse of God-based religion on much of the Left, Leftist religion has filled the meaning void." I believe it is correct that for true Leftists, a "new" secular religion fills a "meaning void", but I disagree with his claim that all humans need a religion. However, many people seem to need a religion if life is to have meaning. So if a higher education or some "cultural development" for many leaves a God-based religion out of the question, a secular religion can "step in" and fill the "meaning void" for those experiencing one. Realistically, this is a correct description of true Leftists. For we should consider that one of the most essential characteristics of Leftism (After Marx) is the need to have Utopia created here on Earth, now! Prager states: "Politics becomes the vehicle to achieving this... For the Left politics is a way to transform the world; for conservatives, politics is primarily a way to stop the Left from doing so."
This shows the fundamental difference between not only Leftism and conservatism, but between Leftist and non-Leftist political ideologies in general (Nazism is contrary to Prager's belief essentially a Leftist ideology). True Leftists (there are many of them!) are never, ever going to leave you in peace to live your life as you yourself considers best. As long as you "shut up" and let Leftists continue to infiltrate media, schools, universities, and civil institutions, and conquer the government without interfering, they will not notice you specifically. But if you become political active against them or successfully raise your voice in the media against them, in order to stop them in their scheme to create their version of society, using the people as guinea pigs, they will, well, come after you.
This leads to a subject discussed in Prager's book: How the Left continuously and viciously demonize any opposition to their plans "for a better society", and constantly twist everything opponents say against Leftwing action and policy. Prager's book is filled with examples of how media persons and Leftist politicians, even university professors, treat opponents and especially conservatives. In almost every case he offers solid references that readers can check out themselves. Europeans of age will recall Leftist behavior and agitation in Europe in the 1970s and 1980s. Furious and virulent Leftism is active in America today, and I'm shocked by some of the examples Prager offers.
Now, pointing to abuse of truth, reason and language alone is not enough to make a book interesting. Prager's book is interesting because he "connects the dots". Mostly he offers intellectually satisfying explanations of why Leftism must be as it is. Why Leftism cannot accept opposition. Why they constantly are "at war" with society. To give just one example: To conservatives (and libertarians) the highest political value is liberty. Liberty demands, to be feasible, the in practice smallest possible state (government). For the Left, however, material equality is the highest political value; even the highest moral value. Therefore, when it really comes down to it, liberty is not held in high esteem by the political Left, as Prager excellently demonstrates. Why? Because demanding liberty is 'to throw a wrench in the machine' that will create material equality. And since a fundamental aspect of Leftism (connected to utopianism) is intention-based wishful thinking, Leftists subconsciously believe most humans indulge in intention-based wishful thinking. So for the Left the "conservative cry", in Prager's words, "for liberty is little more than a cover for preserving economic inequality." So how can the Left not be at war with "the Right"? Left-wingers believe they "know for certain" that conservatives are human beings with bad intentions, that they are evil (even though they accuse conservatives for believing in such concepts as "good" and "evil").
Islam
Reading Prager has also confirmed my own understanding of what Islam - Islamism - is, and the danger it represents. Prager is careful when it comes to morally assessing religions, but "dares" it anyway Fortunately, because, as Prager eloquently puts it: "How could a book purporting to evaluate competing ideas for humanity's improvement not evaluate Islam, an intensely proselytizing religion with over a billion adherents? And how could one of the world's most popular doctrines - one that offers itself as incomparably superior to all other ways of life, secular or religious - not expect to be evaluated?"
The amount of violence that historically has been, and today is, committed in the name of Islam makes an assessment of Islam necessary. Again Prager offers a lot of examples of both Islamist attitudes and actions, supported and explained further with the use of Suras from the Koran. It cannot be plausible denied that Islam, as it is understood and practiced today in most of the Islamic world, is a serious problem for peace and prosperity throughout large parts of the world.
The American value system
The American value system, Prager says, is the trinity of Liberty, In God We Trust, and E Pluribus Unum. The latter means "out of many, one" - out of many cultures, immigrants from all over the world, one unity - a country, a people with an identity, has formed. This, Prager holds, is unique in the world, and he is probably right. If Prager is correct in stating what the American value system is, one must at least to some extent conclude that 'liberal (Democratic Party) America' no longer represents the American value system. But I leave that problem to Americans, and only mention is for readers to reflect upon.
The major part the book's final section treats the 'In God we trust' part of "the American value system" (50 of 90 pages). Although interesting, for me this part of Prager's book mainly consists of unsubstantiated assertions, because it claims that only if moral values are God-given are moral values "objective". The problem here is Prager's assertion that "secular moral values" can be nothing more than personal preferences, thus leading to moral relativism. Prager seems to claim that all of us in time will end up as moral relativists unless we believe in God. Well, I certainly don't believe this is happening to me, and I don't believe in God (as an agnostic I neither deny the existence of God). Now, moral relativism constitutes an essential part of Prager's argument against Leftism, and I believe most non-Leftists are against moral relativism. I certainly argue against this absurd Leftist hypothesis.
I believe Prager is mistaken. It is not so that not believing in God must lead to moral relativism. Essential knowledge: Cultural neo-Marxists put together the hypothesis of moral relativism with the specific aim of destroying Western capitalist societies from within. The aim was moral deterioration and a breakdown in belief in capitalism. They did this because they discovered that empirical findings refuted essential parts of Marxist theory, namely historical (dialectic) materialism. They realized that the working class in industrialized countries would not start the long hoped for proletarian revolution Marx had promised (hypothesized). So they had to come up with an alternative scheme. Cultural relativism is part that that evil plan. So when Prager essentially spreads "the same rumor", although from very different motives (or beliefs), those who simply don't believe in God, receives the same message from two different and mutually exclusive parts of society. The terrible result could be an increased belief in cultural relativism.
Finally: All Prager says about liberty is correct and well, but unsatisfactory from the point of view of a political philosopher. Too little space is dedicated to liberty, and instead of giving a clear definition of liberty, Prager is satisfied with applying liberty to different areas of life in the form of a list (political, religious, free speech, etc.). He does have important things to say, though, like this, which you should mind: The bigger that state, the smaller the citizen. I also have to mention that in this last section of his book, Prager too often resort to cherry-picking to prove his point. That is a drawback for the book.
He perfectly explains why the world needs American values in order to truly triumph.
Wer sich politisch stark links sieht und nicht bereit ist, anderen mit offenem Ohr zu lauschen, der wird dieses Buch nicht leiden können. Wer aber auf der Suche nach Weisheit und Antworten (z.B. auf die Frage, warum Sozialismus wie der Europäische nicht die beste Idee ist) ist, für den kann "still the best hope" nur empfohlen werden.
Mit besten Grüßen.
Prager's gift for clarity makes heavy and complicated topics surprisingly easy to read and understand.
Most people coast through life without giving much thought to the issues of this book, if they all read it, none of them will ever be the same.
This is an eye opener like non other, backed with 400 footnotes, it's the Best Hope to create informed citizenry and improve the world, one good person at a time.
So he misses the point at all.
The most of his informations are wrong, for example, that leftists (in German "Linke") never call themselves left. That's totally nonsense, we have (like in other countries) a party, called exactly "Die Linke". The socialdemocratic party defines herself as the "left middle" since cancellor Schroeder, but they never denied, that they are leftists.
Prager asks, why in Europe are only protests against the american politics happened and asserted, that f.e. there were no big demonstrations agaist the Chinese massacre on the Tiananmen-Square .
I walked inside one of these big demonstrations against this massacre, so he is totally wrong at this point, too.
It's not the right place to wrote all his "little" errors down here.
But he grounds his thesis on this fundament of wrong claims, so the whole thesis seems to be as wrong as most information you'll find in this book.
It's not worth the money to buy it and the time to read it.
Prager braucht fast das ganze Buch um über 400 Seiten zu polemisieren, warum die falsch liegen, die er Linke ("Leftists") und Islamisten nennt. Nur 75 Seiten handeln über das vom Titel versprochene Thema was er "still the best hope" nennt, den American way of life. Und diese75 Seiten sind die schwächsten des ganzen Buches.
Thema verfehlt.
Die meisten seiner Informationen sind falsch, zum Bispiek, das Linke sich selbst niemals Linke nennen. Totaler Unsinn, da wir, wie in anderen Ländern auch, sogar eine Partei mit dem Namen "Die Linke" haben. Die SPD definiert sich zwar seit Kanzler Schröder als in der linken Mitte stehend, leugnet aber nicht zum linken Flügel der Parteienlandschaft zu gehören.
Prager fragt, warum es in Europa nur Proteste gegen die amerikanische Politik gibt und behauptet, dass es zum Beispiel keine Proteste gegen das Massaker auf dem Tiananmen-Platz gegeben hätte.
Ich lief mit einer Demonstartion gegen das Massaker mit, so irrt er auch in diesem Punkt.
Es würde zu weit führen, hier alle "kleinen" Fehler aufzuzählen.
Doch baut es seine These auf diesem fehlerhaften Fundament auf, weswegen die These eben so falsch ist, wie die meisten Informationen, die Sie in diesem Buch finden werden.
Es ist sein Preis nicht wert und es lohnt nicht die Zeit, es zu lesen.
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