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The Syrian Rebellion Hardcover – May 1, 2012
| Fouad Ajami (Author) Find all the books, read about the author, and more. See search results for this author |
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- Print length260 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherHoover Institution Press
- Publication dateMay 1, 2012
- Dimensions5.5 x 1 x 8.5 inches
- ISBN-100817915044
- ISBN-13978-0817915049
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Editorial Reviews
From the Inside Flap
When the Arab Spring exploded across the Middle East, it was no surprise that the eruption in Syria came after the upheavals in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Libya, and Bahrain. The Syrians had taken their time, knowing that they were in for a particularly grim and bloody struggle. But four decades of a brutal dictatorship under the Assad dynasty could not crush their spirit-people were done with the Assad tyranny and ready to pay the ultimate price. The dictatorship alternated savage violence with promises of reform, but the barrier of fear had been broken; its horrific deeds only strengthened the resolve of those who wanted done with that cruel regime.
In The Syrian Rebellion, Fouad Ajami offers a detailed historical perspective on the current rebellion in Syria. Focusing on the similarities and differences in skills between former dictator Hafez al-Assad and his successor son, Bashar, he tells how Syria has overcome decades of repression, numerous coups, and other hardships to arrive at its current state of affairs: a people poised to throw off the yoke of oppression and move forward.
In 1994 Hafez Assad's oldest son, Bassel, whom he had been grooming for succession, was killed in a car accident. Hafez then settled on his other son Bashar, an eye doctor, as his successor. Syrians hoped for the best, thinking that perhaps this gangly youth, with a stint in London behind him, would grant them the freedoms denied by his father. They were wrong. When the political hurricane known as the Arab Spring hit the region, Bashar al-Assad proclaimed his country's immunity to the troubles. He was wrong. As Ajami explains, Bashar, the accidental inheritor of his father's political realm, now had his own war. He had stepped out of his father's shadow only to merge with it. But the house that Hafez Assad built, some four decades ago, is not destined to last.
From the Back Cover
When the Arab Spring exploded across the Middle East, it was no surprise that the eruption in Syria came after the upheavals in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Libya, and Bahrain. The Syrians had taken their time, knowing that they were in for a particularly grim and bloody struggle. But four decades of a brutal dictatorship under the Assad dynasty could not crush their spirit-people were done with the Assad tyranny and ready to pay the ultimate price. The dictatorship alternated savage violence with promises of reform, but the barrier of fear had been broken; its horrific deeds only strengthened the resolve of those who wanted done with that cruel regime.
In The Syrian Rebellion, Fouad Ajami offers a detailed historical perspective on the current rebellion in Syria. Focusing on the similarities and differences in skills between former dictator Hafez al-Assad and his successor son, Bashar, he tells how Syria has overcome decades of repression, numerous coups, and other hardships to arrive at its current state of affairs: a people poised to throw off the yoke of oppression and move forward.
In 1994 Hafez Assad's oldest son, Bassel, whom he had been grooming for succession, was killed in a car accident. Hafez then settled on his other son Bashar, an eye doctor, as his successor. Syrians hoped for the best, thinking that perhaps this gangly youth, with a stint in London behind him, would grant them the freedoms denied by his father. They were wrong. When the political hurricane known as the Arab Spring hit the region, Bashar al-Assad proclaimed his country's immunity to the troubles. He was wrong. As Ajami explains, Bashar, the accidental inheritor of his father's political realm, now had his own war. He had stepped out of his father's shadow only to merge with it. But the house that Hafez Assad built, some four decades ago, is not destined to last.
About the Author
Product details
- Publisher : Hoover Institution Press; 1st edition (May 1, 2012)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 260 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0817915044
- ISBN-13 : 978-0817915049
- Item Weight : 1.09 pounds
- Dimensions : 5.5 x 1 x 8.5 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #2,245,143 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #442 in Syria History
- #1,317 in Fascism (Books)
- #1,933 in Political Freedom (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
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About the author

Fouad Ajami is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and the cochair of the Herbert and Jane Dwight Working Group on Islamism and the International Order. From 1980 to 2011 he was director of Middle East Studies at the Johns Hopkins University. He is the author of The Arab Predicament, Beirut: City of Regrets, The Dream Palace of the Arabs, and The Foreigner's Gift. His most recent publication is The Syrian Rebellion (Hoover Institution Press, 2012). His writings also include some four hundred essays on Arab and Islamic politics, US foreign policy, and contemporary international history. Ajami has received numerous awards, including the Benjamin Franklin Award for public service (2011), the Eric Breindel Award for Excellence in Opinion Journalism (2011), the Bradley Prize (2006), the National Humanities Medal (2006), and the MacArthur Fellows Award (1982). His research has charted the road to 9/11, the Iraq war, and the US presence in the Arab-Islamic world.
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It is no surprise to Ajami that viable self-government eludes those nations. He knows the Alawite minority rules the Sunni majority by military coup. He knows there are a dozen other minority sects, including Christians and Kurds. He knows Iraq's Shia-Sunni-Kurd triangle, and Lebanon's Shia-Sunni-Maronite triangle. He knows Syria's Alawite leaders attack Lebanon with covetous eyes on weakened pieces they would like to pick up.
Ajami explains the meaning of Alawite in Syria, at length. Newspapers briefly say Alawites are a Shiite variety, which suggests Sunni-Alawite in Syria would resemble Sunni-Shiite in Iraq. It doesn't. Ajami gives Alawite history in Syria, in which they were poor, isolated, and scorned for strange beliefs. Since the Alawite coup 50 years ago, they have been settling scores by discriminatory laws, practices, prices, and jobs. For me it explains why Alawite leaders attacked protesting Hama in 1982, and why they now appear willing, possibly eager, to attack protesting Syrians as they have since protests began in 2011. It also explains why Alawite leaders attack rich Sunni and Maronite Lebanon.
Ajami makes it clear that pieces are unlikely to be picked up separately in Lebanon and Syria. He knows the tribal pieces that will need to be picked up after what he knows will be an inevitable breakup. It isn't clear to Ajami, or any others I have read, how all those pieces can be picked up. The pieces seem never to have fitted together, for reasons which Ajami makes very clear. In Ajami's descriptions, the people in the various pieces seem fragmented, lacking both size and depth to become self-governing modern nations. Yet they don't accept as rulers the leaders of any other piece.
Ajami discusses and dismisses a separate Alawite state between coast and mountain. He notes the improbable survival so far of 1919 Lebanon and Iraq. He notes the tenuous position of Winston Churchill's post-war Jordan, between desert and Israel, absorbing refugees from Syria while depending on Syria's ports for its commerce.
Ajami's only hopeful note is in closing. Looking back to the years of his childhood before this long Alawite coup, he quotes from exiles who remember loving their cities. They remember prominent city families who governed between the shorter coups of that period. Ajami offers hope that out of such people it will be possible to recover traces of a nostalgic golden age.
My reaction wasn't hopeful. Gilded memories are dreams with coups conveniently forgotten. Coups of any length are undemocratic, and cities are merely pieces of a nation. Ajami is more an observer analyst than a diplomat arranger. He offers no plan for the suffering pieces. The reader is left to think.
As a reader, I felt cities and tribal pieces across the troubled area could govern themselves under some kind of non-tribal internationally acceptable regional government, an umbrella of shared defense, diplomacy, and treasury. Creating umbrellas which local governments accepted, and made work for them, would be diplomatic coups. All other diplomacy seems doomed after reading Ajami's observations and analysis.
Charlie Ginsburg
Top reviews from other countries
This book was extremely helpful in understanding. Thank you very much.
This is a badly written, uninteresting account of the background for the uprising in Syria. The book is full of views, analysis and postulates, none of which are backed up by a single statistic, source material or even reference. The book is full of quotes, but none are credited or referenced to a specific author, publication or even page number. The book does contain a series of Source Notes at the back, but it is the subject of a major forensic exercise linking each to a specific passage in the main text.
As a Fellow at the Hoover Institution, Fouad Ajami should have known better and he has basically produced a piece, which he has rendered completely and utterly useless for academic or research purposes.
Whether your interest in Syria is academic or lies within current affairs, I can only recommend you give this one a miss and don't waste your money. Fortunately there are far better books that cover recent events in Syria, both from an academic and current affairs perspective.
The American writer attacks the Syrian government for allowing females and males to study together (see page 196). indicating that a student was "raped by a classmate" oh my god, something like that would never happen in the decent great countries such as Saudi Arabia or Taliban. This is bad and a sin, women should be kept at home or sold as wives when they are 12 years old, right???.
Moreover, the book does not contain any references or data whatsoever to support its unrealistic claims and arguments.
another appalling argument in this book/ propaganda-leaflet is that the writer is doing his best to fragment the Syrian society in a way that suits one side: Al-Qaid. He keeps indicating that the Sunnis are oppressed under the dictatorship of Alasad and the only evidence he presents, more than six times, is that the oil refinery of Baniyas has a majority of Alawis. He fails to mention that this refinery is in an area where Alawis represent a majority. Most importantly he fails time and again to mention that all the prime ministers in the past 40 years were Sunnis, over 90 percent of the ministers are Sunnis, the current minister of defence and the head of the security forces and the head of the interior minister and the information minster are all Sunnis. More than that, the Syrian dictator is married to a Sunni, like all his siblings. By the way unlike the Sheikhs of oil the Syrian dictator has one wife and 3 children. He is a Dr and was educated in London.
The most evil thing in this book is the attempt to glorify known criminal extremists such as Riad Shaqfa (see page 201), shaqfa which was introduced as the Secretary-general of the Muslim brotherhood and an engineer who left his country in 1980 is the man responsible for the massacres that took place in Syria from 1979 to 1980. Most importantly he was Saddam's hit man; he spent 26 years in Iraq under Saddam and carried out many tasks for him. Of course the honest author does not mention that and he fails to indicate why would the Secretary-general of the Muslims brotherhood chooses Iraq's Saddam as refugee after deserting his own country?????
It is heartbreaking to see academics producing such books that indicate loudly and clearly how powerful is the petrodollar and how frail is the intellectual integrity





